conversations.from: human
conversations.value: What could be a title for a book about Jacobin with the genre: Politics & Social Sciences, Politics & Government?
conversations.from: assistant
conversations.value: A title for this book could be 'The ABCs of Socialism'
conversations.from: human
conversations.value: Do you know the first five paragraphs for this book?
conversations.from: assistant
conversations.value: The ABCs of Socialism
  A little more than a century ago, socialism might not have been a mass force in American politics, but it seemed destined to become one.
  In 1912, the Socialist Party won almost a million votes in the presidential election, had a membership of 120,000, and elected more than a thousand socialists to office. Mayors of cities like Berkeley, Flint, Milwaukee, and Schenectady were all socialists. So was a congressman, Victor Berger, and dozens of state officials.
  That year, Oklahoma alone was home to eleven socialist weeklies. And in clusters of the country—from the Jewish enclaves of the Lower East Side to the mining towns of the West—the "cooperative commonwealth" was the dream to which all other political appeals were compared.
  That commonwealth never came into being, and the decades that followed would be less kind to the Left. There were still upsurges and victories, of course, and socialists acquitted themselves well, helping build campaigns against oppression and exploitation. But as we entered the twenty-first century, socialism in the United States felt less like a live current and more like a dying piece of American history.
  With the emergence of the Bernie Sanders campaign and new movements for democracy and freedom, this may be beginning to change. The events of this year all point to the emergence of "Sanders Democrats," a group that is disproportionately young and calling for massive redistributions of wealth and power. Sanders is only the beginning; this force will continue struggling for a different sort of politics.
conversations.from: human
conversations.value: Do you know five more paragraphs?
conversations.from: assistant
conversations.value: Marx grasped the modern dynamics of racism as the means by which workers who had common objective interests could also become mortal enemies because of subjective—but nevertheless real—racist and nationalist ideas. Looking at the tensions between Irish and English workers, Marx wrote:
  For socialists in the United States, recognizing the centrality of racism in dividing the class that has the actual power to undo capitalism has typically meant that socialists have been heavily involved in campaigns and social movements to end racism.
  But within the socialist tradition, many have also argued that because African Americans and most other nonwhites are disproportionately poor and working class, campaigns aimed at ending economic inequality alone would stop their oppression.
  This stance ignores how racism constitutes its own basis for oppression for nonwhite people. Ordinary blacks and other nonwhite minorities are oppressed not only because of their poverty but also because of their racial or ethnic identities.
  There is also no direct correlation between economic expansion or improved economic conditions and a decrease in racial inequality. In reality, racial discrimination often prevents African Americans and others from fully accessing the fruits of economic expansion.
conversations.from: human
conversations.value: Reverse the sentences.
conversations.from: assistant
conversations.value: In reality, racial discrimination often prevents African Americans and others from fully accessing the fruits of economic expansion..
  There is also no direct correlation between economic expansion or improved economic conditions and a decrease in racial inequality. Ordinary blacks and other nonwhite minorities are oppressed not only because of their poverty but also because of their racial or ethnic identities.
  This stance ignores how racism constitutes its own basis for oppression for nonwhite people.
  But within the socialist tradition, many have also argued that because African Americans and most other nonwhites are disproportionately poor and working class, campaigns aimed at ending economic inequality alone would stop their oppression. Looking at the tensions between Irish and English workers, Marx wrote:
  For socialists in the United States, recognizing the centrality of racism in dividing the class that has the actual power to undo capitalism has typically meant that socialists have been heavily involved in campaigns and social movements to end racism.Marx grasped the modern dynamics of racism as the means by which workers who had common objective interests could also become mortal enemies because of subjective—but nevertheless real—racist and nationalist ideas
conversations.from: human
conversations.value: Do you know the last four paragraphs? End with the sentence ' ▪'.
conversations.from: assistant
conversations.value: When organizers view consensus not only as a temporary tactic but as a model for how society should be run, however, there is a problem. I want to live in a democratic society with conflicts and arguments, where people aren't afraid to stand up for what they believe in and don't feel pressured to soften their opinions so that, when a compromise is reached, we can pretend that we all agreed in the first place. If your case for socialism rests on the idea that people will stop getting into arguments and even occasionally acting like jerks, you should probably find another cause.
  Socialism isn't going to be created, Lenin once wrote, with "abstract human material, or with human material specially prepared by us, but with the human material bequeathed to us by capitalism. True, that is no easy matter, but no other approach to this task is serious enough to warrant discussion."
  Loving the public but not people is also a feature of elitist socialists, whose faith rests more on five-year development plans, utopian blueprints, or winning future elections than on the wonders that hundreds of millions can achieve when they are inspired and liberated. That is why their visions for socialism are so lifeless and unimaginative.
  By contrast, Marx, who is often presented as an isolated intellectual, was a rowdy, argumentative, funny, passionate person who once declared that his favorite saying was the maxim: "I am a human being, I consider nothing that is human alien to me." I find it hard to see how a world run by the majority of human beings, with all of our gloriously and infuriatingly different talents, personalities, madnesses, and passions, could possibly be boring. ▪