conversations.from: human
conversations.value: What could be a title for a book about with the genre: Literature & Fiction, Action & Adventure?
conversations.from: assistant
conversations.value: A title for this book could be 'Cold Warriors'
conversations.from: human
conversations.value: What is a plot for a book about ?
conversations.from: assistant
conversations.value: Cold Warriors: Fry catches the common cold during an ice fishing trip, though the rest of the Planet Express crew are unaware of what the disease is as it was eradicated 500 years ago.\nProfessor Farnsworth explains that the common cold virus had survived within Fry while he was frozen for 1000 years and has thus been reintroduced to mankind, which has lost all resistance to the virus.\nDuring this time, flashbacks to the year 1988 show Fry taking an ice fishing trip with his father, during which he falls through the ice and catches a cold.\nLater, egged on by his brother Yancy, he decides to enter a science competition judged by Buzz Aldrin in which the winner's entry will be launched into space in a satellite.\nHis idea is to infect his pet guinea pig with the cold virus and see if can be cured by exposure to cosmic rays.\nA rival competitor, Josh Gedgie, learns of Fry's entry and decides to create an experiment about the common cold as well.\nIn the present day, the pathogens of the cold are detected and Planet Express is quarantined.\nBender, who is immune to biological illness and forced to take care of the sick crew, becomes exasperated and breaks through the quarantine after being sneezed on by Zoidberg, spreading the virus across Manhattan.\nRichard Nixon becomes concerned with the rapid spread of the disease and brings in Ogden Wernstrom to resolve the situation.\nWernstrom's solution is to destroy the virus by enclosing Manhattan in plastic wrap, lifting it into space, and hurling it into the Sun.\nBelieving that a vaccine can be created using a sample of the original virus, Farnsworth plans to extract it from Fry by grinding his body into a paste (killing him).\nFry remembers that the winning science competition entry contained a virus sample.\nThe crew escapes the city and finds the satellite containing the experiment, now encased in ice on Enceladus, with a flashback revealing that Gedgie's project won the competition, to the disappointment of Fry's father.\nAs the Professor uses Gedgie's virus sample to create a vaccine, and Manhattan is set back in place and its residents are inoculated to stop the outbreak, Leela tells Fry that he should be proud of himself for saving millions of people, no matter what his father thought of him.\nFry then has a flashback to the ice fishing trip with his father just after being pulled out of the ice, where Fry's father tells him that he loves him, and explains that he is only so hard on Fry because he wants Fry to grow up strong and resilient.\nHe then tells Fry to keep warm, because he'd hate it if his son were frozen.
conversations.from: human
conversations.value: Reverse the sentences.
conversations.from: assistant
conversations.value: \nHe then tells Fry to keep warm, because he'd hate it if his son were frozen..\nFry then has a flashback to the ice fishing trip with his father just after being pulled out of the ice, where Fry's father tells him that he loves him, and explains that he is only so hard on Fry because he wants Fry to grow up strong and resilient.\nAs the Professor uses Gedgie's virus sample to create a vaccine, and Manhattan is set back in place and its residents are inoculated to stop the outbreak, Leela tells Fry that he should be proud of himself for saving millions of people, no matter what his father thought of him.\nThe crew escapes the city and finds the satellite containing the experiment, now encased in ice on Enceladus, with a flashback revealing that Gedgie's project won the competition, to the disappointment of Fry's father.\nFry remembers that the winning science competition entry contained a virus sample.\nBelieving that a vaccine can be created using a sample of the original virus, Farnsworth plans to extract it from Fry by grinding his body into a paste (killing him).\nWernstrom's solution is to destroy the virus by enclosing Manhattan in plastic wrap, lifting it into space, and hurling it into the Sun.\nRichard Nixon becomes concerned with the rapid spread of the disease and brings in Ogden Wernstrom to resolve the situation.\nBender, who is immune to biological illness and forced to take care of the sick crew, becomes exasperated and breaks through the quarantine after being sneezed on by Zoidberg, spreading the virus across Manhattan.\nIn the present day, the pathogens of the cold are detected and Planet Express is quarantined.\nA rival competitor, Josh Gedgie, learns of Fry's entry and decides to create an experiment about the common cold as well.\nHis idea is to infect his pet guinea pig with the cold virus and see if can be cured by exposure to cosmic rays.\nLater, egged on by his brother Yancy, he decides to enter a science competition judged by Buzz Aldrin in which the winner's entry will be launched into space in a satellite.\nDuring this time, flashbacks to the year 1988 show Fry taking an ice fishing trip with his father, during which he falls through the ice and catches a cold.\nProfessor Farnsworth explains that the common cold virus had survived within Fry while he was frozen for 1000 years and has thus been reintroduced to mankind, which has lost all resistance to the virus.Cold Warriors: Fry catches the common cold during an ice fishing trip, though the rest of the Planet Express crew are unaware of what the disease is as it was eradicated 500 years ago
conversations.from: human
conversations.value: What is the first five paragraphs for this book?
conversations.from: assistant
conversations.value: Cold Warriors
  For those who had fought censorship and demanded the freedom for writers to express themselves, it was a victory earned through great sacrifice. Akhmatova's forbearance, Pasternak's courage, and Solzhenitsyn's defiance had not been in vain. The determined optimism of the small band of protesters that had gathered in support of Daniel and Sinyavsky had not been misplaced.
  WHEN SHE HAD FIRST MET HIM back in December 1984, Margaret Thatcher had famously declared: "I like Mr. Gorbachev. We can do business together." He had substantive discussions of policy with foreign leaders in a way that previous leaders had been either unwilling or incapable of doing. He was in earnest in wanting to denuclearize and reduce tensions with the West. And his economic reforms made clear that he was willing to make previously unthinkable changes to the Soviet command economy. But what about glasnost? In the early months of his leadership, it was not clear what this meant for Soviet society. Gorbachev was not an outsider; he had come up through the hierarchies of the Party and knew that while he had support from some younger reformists, much power was still concentrated in the hands of ideologues. As such, his public declarations were often careful and seemed to promise incremental change, rather than radical cultural liberalization. He demanded that writers and intellectuals look to the future rather than criticizing the past and cautioned against fixating on the crimes of Stalinism. Any public discussion of the true scale of the Yezhov terror or the vastness of the gulag remained powerfully taboo, as was criticism of the war in Afghanistan. Those who had lived through the Khrushchev Thaw, and Brezhnev's subsequent ideological crackdown, had every reason to be skeptical about Gorbachev's commitment to openness. Then Reactor 4 in the Chernobyl nuclear power plant exploded.
  THE FIRST INSTINCT of the Soviet bureaucracy was to cover up the disaster. By this stage it was hardwired into the system: bad news was dangerous, bad news got buried. The problem was that Swedish scientists were detecting alarming levels of radioactivity in the atmosphere, evidence that something terrible had happened. Gorbachev might well have chosen to suppress the truth or at least mitigate the impact, but instead he directed the media to report the disaster honestly. That meant admitting that Chernobyl had been poorly built and maintained and that disaster could have been avoided if warnings had been listened to, including ones issued seven years previously by the KGB. The press reported on Chernobyl in a way that no other event had been covered. The reporting was honest and critical—which opened a door that could not easily be shut again. If Chernobyl was being covered honestly, then why not be open about the state of the economy? Or the disastrous war in Afghanistan?
  After Chernobyl, glasnost became real. Readers learned the truth about the cost, in every sense of the word, of nuclear fallout in Ukraine, and they began to learn about how badly the war in Afghanistan was going. In the early years of the war, there was little reporting on combat and instead a focus on how Soviet soldiers were helping develop the country's infrastructure by, for example, building schools. In 1987 and 1988 Artyom Borovik filed reports from the front lines of the war, taking as his model Michael Herr's account of Vietnam in Dispatches. Svetlana Alexievich, who later won the Nobel Prize, began collecting firsthand accounts of the war from veterans, which she eventually published as Zinky Boys in 1990. These accounts depicted a brutal, futile war. By February 1989, Gorbachev had his wish and the last Soviet soldier returned home.
  GORBACHEV RECOGNIZED that he needed to sell glasnost to both his own people and to the rest of the world. He was, compared to his predecessors, a cultivated man with cosmopolitan tastes, and in 1986 had established the Soviet Cultural Foundation to help fund artistic projects. In February 1987, he hosted a three-day International Forum for a Non-Nuclear World and the Survival of Humanity in Moscow as a means of simultaneously reducing Cold War tension and inviting thousands of delegates—including scientists, entrepreneurs, film stars, intellectuals, and, of course, writers—to see for themselves the reforms that had taken place. The celebrities that attended included actors Gregory Peck, Claudia Cardinale, Kris Kristofferson, Paul Newman, and the artist Yoko Ono. The invited writers tended to be, if not sympathetic to Communism, at least staunch critics of the United States and its foreign policy; Gore Vidal and Norman Mailer were the best-known American writers there, and they even put aside their personal enmity to dine together. The star literary guest, though, was Graham Greene, who was to give one of the closing speeches.
conversations.from: human
conversations.value: What is five more paragraphs?
conversations.from: assistant
conversations.value: In August 1991, Gorbachev went on vacation in Foros, Crimea, having agreed to the terms of a New Union Treaty that would have replaced the Soviet Union with a less centralized federal system. To Kryuchkov and his allies, it was now or never; they had to strike before Gorbachev returned and signed the treaty. On August 17, the plotters met in a KGB compound on the outskirts of Moscow and finalized plans for their coup.
  Gorbachev knew something was wrong when the phone lines went down—even the line reserved for emergencies. A delegation arrived and told him he had to either support the state of emergency or resign. Despite being pressured and threatened, he refused to play ball; it was an inauspicious start to a rebellion that soon began to descend into farce. Back in Moscow, the news of the coup was broadcast on state television at 6 A.M. as tanks rumbled into the outskirts of the city. By 9 A.M., these forces had surrounded key locations, including TV and radio stations and the White House, home of the Russian parliament. But the plotters had made a catastrophic error: they had forgotten to arrest Yeltsin.
  Over breakfast, Yeltsin heard what had happened and, realizing time was short, strapped on a bulletproof vest underneath his shirt and sped off toward the center of Moscow. At the White House, Yeltsin gathered his allies around him in the war room and planned his counterattack, issuing statements over the radio, urging people to take to the streets. In an iconic moment, at around noon, he came out of the building and, ignoring the snipers positioned on the hotel roof opposite, clambered up onto one of the tanks and addressed the crowd of onlookers. "We are dealing with a right-wing, reactionary, anti-constitutional coup d'état," he said. "Accordingly, we proclaim all decisions and decrees of this committee illegal." A mixture of veterans from the Afghanistan War and students arrived to defend the White House while first hundreds then thousands began to gather outside. The plotters made desperate plans to storm the building but, with Yeltsin having seized the initiative, what little support they had was dwindling. Within seventy-two hours of its inception, the coup had been defeated, the plotters arrested, and Gorbachev returned to Moscow.
  JOHN LE CARRÉ RETURNED TO RUSSIA in the summer of 1993 to see what had happened to the country after the Cold War. "I wanted to get a taste of the new order," he wrote. "Were the new crime bosses the old ones in new clothes? Was the KGB really being disbanded by Yeltsin, or had it been, as so often in the past, merely reconstituted under another name?" On arrival in Moscow, he found the city in thrall to Western materialism, or at least those that could afford it: expensive foreign cars parked outside stores selling luxury goods, even with the country's economy in free fall. Yeltsin, so heroic in resisting the August coup, was already embattled as he tried to push through his radical economic reforms, and parliament had narrowly lost a fight to impeach him. He had already begun privatizing Russia state assets, a program that in the years to come would be exploited by a small number of businessmen to accrue fantastic personal wealth. Increasingly drink addled, and having suffered a number of heart attacks, Yeltsin helped create an oligarchy.
  The wrong people were certainly winning in Russia. On his previous visit, le Carré's delighted Moscow publisher had greeted him with vodka and ambitious publication plans; this time he let him in only after ascertaining his identity through a peephole in a steel door replete with a battery of locks, all there to try to keep out the gangsters operating a protection racket. Such was the state of play in the Wild East.
conversations.from: human
conversations.value: Delete the first sentence.
conversations.from: assistant
conversations.value: To Kryuchkov and his allies, it was now or never; they had to strike before Gorbachev returned and signed the treaty. On August 17, the plotters met in a KGB compound on the outskirts of Moscow and finalized plans for their coup.
  Gorbachev knew something was wrong when the phone lines went down—even the line reserved for emergencies. A delegation arrived and told him he had to either support the state of emergency or resign. Despite being pressured and threatened, he refused to play ball; it was an inauspicious start to a rebellion that soon began to descend into farce. Back in Moscow, the news of the coup was broadcast on state television at 6 A.M. as tanks rumbled into the outskirts of the city. By 9 A.M., these forces had surrounded key locations, including TV and radio stations and the White House, home of the Russian parliament. But the plotters had made a catastrophic error: they had forgotten to arrest Yeltsin.
  Over breakfast, Yeltsin heard what had happened and, realizing time was short, strapped on a bulletproof vest underneath his shirt and sped off toward the center of Moscow. At the White House, Yeltsin gathered his allies around him in the war room and planned his counterattack, issuing statements over the radio, urging people to take to the streets. In an iconic moment, at around noon, he came out of the building and, ignoring the snipers positioned on the hotel roof opposite, clambered up onto one of the tanks and addressed the crowd of onlookers. "We are dealing with a right-wing, reactionary, anti-constitutional coup d'état," he said. "Accordingly, we proclaim all decisions and decrees of this committee illegal." A mixture of veterans from the Afghanistan War and students arrived to defend the White House while first hundreds then thousands began to gather outside. The plotters made desperate plans to storm the building but, with Yeltsin having seized the initiative, what little support they had was dwindling. Within seventy-two hours of its inception, the coup had been defeated, the plotters arrested, and Gorbachev returned to Moscow.
  JOHN LE CARRÉ RETURNED TO RUSSIA in the summer of 1993 to see what had happened to the country after the Cold War. "I wanted to get a taste of the new order," he wrote. "Were the new crime bosses the old ones in new clothes? Was the KGB really being disbanded by Yeltsin, or had it been, as so often in the past, merely reconstituted under another name?" On arrival in Moscow, he found the city in thrall to Western materialism, or at least those that could afford it: expensive foreign cars parked outside stores selling luxury goods, even with the country's economy in free fall. Yeltsin, so heroic in resisting the August coup, was already embattled as he tried to push through his radical economic reforms, and parliament had narrowly lost a fight to impeach him. He had already begun privatizing Russia state assets, a program that in the years to come would be exploited by a small number of businessmen to accrue fantastic personal wealth. Increasingly drink addled, and having suffered a number of heart attacks, Yeltsin helped create an oligarchy.
  The wrong people were certainly winning in Russia. On his previous visit, le Carré's delighted Moscow publisher had greeted him with vodka and ambitious publication plans; this time he let him in only after ascertaining his identity through a peephole in a steel door replete with a battery of locks, all there to try to keep out the gangsters operating a protection racket. Such was the state of play in the Wild East.
conversations.from: human
conversations.value: What is the last four paragraphs?
conversations.from: assistant
conversations.value: Archives and Special Collections, Vassar College Library  Mary McCarthy visits a bomb site in Hanoi, 1968. 
  Archives and Special Collections, Vassar College Library  Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn addresses the world's press outside Heinrich Böll's house in West Germany after been deported from the Soviet Union, 1974. 
  Bert Verhoeff/Anefo/Dutch National Archives, The Hague  Portrait of Nicaraguan poet and former Sandinista revolutionary Gioconda Belli, taken in Germany in 2001. 
  Süddeutsche Zeitung Photo/Alamy  Vàclav Havel waving to a crowd of demonstrators in Wenceslas Square in Prague, 1989.
conversations.from: human
conversations.value: Delete the last sentence.
conversations.from: assistant
conversations.value: Archives and Special Collections, Vassar College Library  Mary McCarthy visits a bomb site in Hanoi, 1968. 
  Archives and Special Collections, Vassar College Library  Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn addresses the world's press outside Heinrich Böll's house in West Germany after been deported from the Soviet Union, 1974. 
  Bert Verhoeff/Anefo/Dutch National Archives, The Hague  Portrait of Nicaraguan poet and former Sandinista revolutionary Gioconda Belli, taken in Germany in 2001.