conversations.from: human
conversations.value: Give me a plot for a book about Sanno-kai, Yakuza, Kataoka entitled Beyond Outrage.
conversations.from: assistant
conversations.value: Beyond Outrage: The film begins with two anti-corruption detectives observing the discovery of dead bodies in a car being recovered from the bottom of a harbor.\nThe detectives suspect that the drowned bodies are related to the recent gang war and power struggle at the huge Sanno-kai crime syndicate, which covers a large portion of eastern Japan.\nThe new Grand Yakuza leader of Sanno-kai, Kato (Tomokazu Miura), must now reform his standing with the powerful rival Hanabishi-kai of western Japan.\nOtomo (Beat Takeshi), a former Yakuza, is serving time in a maximum security prison after falling out of favor with Sekiuchi, the former Grand Yakuza before Kato murdered him and took control.\nWhen it is finally ascertained by detectives that one of the dead bodies recovered from the harbor in the opening scene was actually the body of a high government official, the departmental Chief of Police strongly suspects that Kato has become too strong and influential, believing he is so protected by his corrupt political ties that he can completely avoid police interference, even after ordering the execution of a government official.\nThe Chief appoints Special Detective Kataoka - who has previously infiltrated the Sanno-kai syndicate by posing as a corrupt cop - to see if he can ignite further dissent between the already aggressive Sanno-kai Yakuza leaders.\nKataoka decides to shorten Otomo's prison sentence and have him released, theorizing that his returning presence might stir-up bad memories of old bitter clan rivalries which prevailed before Otomo was imprisoned.\nThis would potentially cause old cracks to resurface in this new and growing version of the old Sanno-kai.\nWhen Kataoka uses his influence to shorten Otomo's imprisonment, Kato allows his lieutenants to order his assassination.\nOtomo, with careful calculation and help from the rival Hanabishi-kai, initiates a ruthless and bloody rampage through the ranks of the Sanno-kai in order to exact his version of justice for having been previously betrayed and forced to serve his prison sentence.\nHis careful calculation pays off as his ruthless campaign to dismantle the new Sanno-kai leadership, including Kato, is efficiently carried out.\nThe decimated Sanno-kai ends up being absorbed into the Hanabishi-kai under their Grand Yakuza leader, who has virtually unified the entire underground of all of Japan into a massive, single and centralized organization.\nIn the closing scene, Otomo goes to a funeral home where some of his dead Yakuza brothers are being interred.\nHe is surprised in the parking lot by Kataoka, who tells him that all the Yakuza leaders are inside and that he should not enter without a gun.\nWhen Otomo replies that he is unarmed, Kataoka - still acting the corrupt cop - offers his own gun.\nBy now, however, it has fully dawned upon Otomo that Kataoka has been playing the two rival crime syndicates against each other in order to weaken and destroy the Sanno-kai.\nUpon receiving the gun, Otomo empties it into Kataoka at point-blank range, killing him.
conversations.from: human
conversations.value: Delete the first sentence.
conversations.from: assistant
conversations.value: \nThe detectives suspect that the drowned bodies are related to the recent gang war and power struggle at the huge Sanno-kai crime syndicate, which covers a large portion of eastern Japan.\nThe new Grand Yakuza leader of Sanno-kai, Kato (Tomokazu Miura), must now reform his standing with the powerful rival Hanabishi-kai of western Japan.\nOtomo (Beat Takeshi), a former Yakuza, is serving time in a maximum security prison after falling out of favor with Sekiuchi, the former Grand Yakuza before Kato murdered him and took control.\nWhen it is finally ascertained by detectives that one of the dead bodies recovered from the harbor in the opening scene was actually the body of a high government official, the departmental Chief of Police strongly suspects that Kato has become too strong and influential, believing he is so protected by his corrupt political ties that he can completely avoid police interference, even after ordering the execution of a government official.\nThe Chief appoints Special Detective Kataoka - who has previously infiltrated the Sanno-kai syndicate by posing as a corrupt cop - to see if he can ignite further dissent between the already aggressive Sanno-kai Yakuza leaders.\nKataoka decides to shorten Otomo's prison sentence and have him released, theorizing that his returning presence might stir-up bad memories of old bitter clan rivalries which prevailed before Otomo was imprisoned.\nThis would potentially cause old cracks to resurface in this new and growing version of the old Sanno-kai.\nWhen Kataoka uses his influence to shorten Otomo's imprisonment, Kato allows his lieutenants to order his assassination.\nOtomo, with careful calculation and help from the rival Hanabishi-kai, initiates a ruthless and bloody rampage through the ranks of the Sanno-kai in order to exact his version of justice for having been previously betrayed and forced to serve his prison sentence.\nHis careful calculation pays off as his ruthless campaign to dismantle the new Sanno-kai leadership, including Kato, is efficiently carried out.\nThe decimated Sanno-kai ends up being absorbed into the Hanabishi-kai under their Grand Yakuza leader, who has virtually unified the entire underground of all of Japan into a massive, single and centralized organization.\nIn the closing scene, Otomo goes to a funeral home where some of his dead Yakuza brothers are being interred.\nHe is surprised in the parking lot by Kataoka, who tells him that all the Yakuza leaders are inside and that he should not enter without a gun.\nWhen Otomo replies that he is unarmed, Kataoka - still acting the corrupt cop - offers his own gun.\nBy now, however, it has fully dawned upon Otomo that Kataoka has been playing the two rival crime syndicates against each other in order to weaken and destroy the Sanno-kai.\nUpon receiving the gun, Otomo empties it into Kataoka at point-blank range, killing him.
conversations.from: human
conversations.value: Give me the first five paragraphs for this book.
conversations.from: assistant
conversations.value: Beyond Outrage
  I have been involved in public life, off and on, for more than forty years. I've served under three presidents. When not in office, I've done my share of organizing and rabble-rousing, along with teaching, speaking, and writing about what I know and what I believe. I have never been as concerned as I am now about the future of our democracy, the corrupting effects of big money in our politics, the stridency and demagoguery of the regressive right, and the accumulation of wealth and power at the very top. We are perilously close to losing an economy and a democracy that are meant to work for everyone and to replacing them with an economy and a government that will exist mainly for a few wealthy and powerful people.
  A presidential election year can draw people's attention to larger challenges facing our nation. But elections can also be distracting. The media focus on the game—who's up and who's down and which political strategies are winning or losing—rather than on the big issues. And campaigns are geared only to winning on Election Day rather than to building long-term strategies and movements for fundamental change.
  Connect these dots and you understand why we've come to where we are. We're in a vicious cycle. Our economy and our democracy depend on it being reversed. The well-being of your children and grandchildren requires it.
  In Part One, I describe how the game is becoming rigged against average working people and in favor of wealthy plutocrats and large corporations. In Part Two, I explain the rise of the regressive right, a movement designed not to conserve what we have but to take America backward toward social Darwinism. In Part Three, I suggest what you can do to reverse this perilous course.
  I receive many e-mails from people who have read my columns or who have seen me on the media. Some e-mails are very friendly, others are hostile. But almost all share a common feature. The writers believe the game is rigged. Here's a composite of several I've received from people who describe themselves as Tea Partiers:
conversations.from: human
conversations.value: Give me three more paragraphs.
conversations.from: assistant
conversations.value: The economy's success can't be measured by the unemployment rate, either. As I've emphasized, that rate doesn't take account of declining wages. Nor does it account for all the people who have become too discouraged to look for work because there are no jobs for them, and all those who are working part-time who want and need full-time jobs—or the growing ranks of contract workers, temporary workers, and others living from paycheck to paycheck with no job security at all.
  Our economy's success can't even be measured by whether average incomes are turning upward. An average can disguise what's happening to the majority because averages are pulled up by the top, and when the top is exceptionally high, the average can be far better than what most people experience. Shaquille O'Neal and I have an average height of six feet.
  Even if most Americans are able to buy more, our lives will not improve if our schools, parks, roads, air and water, and other public goods continue to deteriorate. We won't feel better off if our workplaces are unsafe, if we can't safely walk on the streets of our communities, if we have no regular access to medical care, or if the cost of a major illness can wipe out our savings. And our lives will not be better if our democracy is dying, replaced by a system mostly responsive to big corporations and wealthy individuals. It is impossible to live happily in a society that seems fundamentally unfair or to live well in a nation rife with anger and cynicism.
conversations.from: human
conversations.value: Give me the last three paragraphs.
conversations.from: assistant
conversations.value: It will happen again—but it will not happen automatically. The nation's forward movement has always depended on the active engagement and commitment of vast numbers of Americans morally outraged by how far our economy and our democracy have strayed from our ideals—and committed to move beyond outrage to real reform.
  A brilliant account of the economic crisis—as a product of the ever-diminishing prominence and power of the American middle class—and an impassioned plea for the middle class's return to a central, stable, and revitalized place in our nation.
  A critical examination of the transformation of mid-twentieth-century capitalism into global capitalism, and global capitalism into supercapitalism. As supercapitalism enlarges the economic pie, democracy is becoming less and less effective under its influence.
conversations.from: human
conversations.value: Reverse the sentences.
conversations.from: assistant
conversations.value: As supercapitalism enlarges the economic pie, democracy is becoming less and less effective under its influence..
  A critical examination of the transformation of mid-twentieth-century capitalism into global capitalism, and global capitalism into supercapitalism.
  A brilliant account of the economic crisis—as a product of the ever-diminishing prominence and power of the American middle class—and an impassioned plea for the middle class's return to a central, stable, and revitalized place in our nation. The nation's forward movement has always depended on the active engagement and commitment of vast numbers of Americans morally outraged by how far our economy and our democracy have strayed from our ideals—and committed to move beyond outrage to real reform.It will happen again—but it will not happen automatically