After his death Pérez de Olaguer went into oblivion; none of his works has been re-published. In the post-Francoist era the skyrocketing popularity of Gonzalo Pérez de Olaguer – never referred to as the son of Antoniocompare e.g. Nuria Sabat, Pérez de Olaguer, una vida per al teatre, [in:] Revista de Girona 254 (2008), available here, Fons Gonzalo Pérez de Olaguer, [in:] Institut del Teatre service, available here, Marcos Ordónez, En la muerte de Gonzalo Pérez de Olaguer, crítico teatral, [in:] El País 04.06.08, available here, Mestre de teatre, [in:] El Punt Avui 03.06.08, available here, Joan Anton Benach, Decano de la critica teatral, [in:] La Vanguardia 03.07.08. available here, Gonzalo Pérez de Olaguer, [in:] ABC 04.06.08, available here – has entirely eclipsed the memory of his father. Pérez de Olaguer has not made it to history of the Spanish literature and is disregarded not only in synthetic accountscompare e.g. Santos Sanz Villanueva, Historia y crítica de la literatura española, vol. 8/1 (Epoca contemporanea 1939-1975), Barcelona 1999, , Domingo Yndurain, Historia y critica de la literatura española 1939-1980, vol. 8 (Epoca contemporanea 1939-1980), Barcelona 1981, Jordi Gracia, Domingo Ródenas, Derrota y restitución de la modernidad: literatura contemporánea, 1939-2009, Madrid 2009, , Jean Canavaggio, Historia de la literatura española, vol. 6 (El siglo XX), Barcelona 1995, but also ignoredsee e.g. Ignacio Soldevila Durante, Historia de la novela española 1936-2000, Madrid 2001, or barely mentionedSantos Sanz Villanueva, La novela española durante el franquismo, Madrid 2010, , p. 316, Julio Rodríguez-Puértola, Historia de la literatura fascista española, vol. 2, Madrid 2008, , p. 1177, Piotr Sawicki, La narrativa española de la Guerra Civil (1936-1975). Propaganda, testimonio y memoria creativa, Alicante 2010, pp. 64, 138 in detailed studies. If referred, he merits scholarly attention as a representative of cultural outlook of early Francoism rather than as an individual. Scholars quote his name when presenting typical features, clichés and traits of Francoist culture, and if admitted importance it is only because some counted him among key contributorsHugo García, Relatos para una guerra. Terror, testimonio y literatura en la España nacional, [in:] Ayer 76/4 (2009), pp. 153-154 to or "más destacados cultivadores"Javier Rodrigo, Guerreros y teólogos. Guerra santa y martirio fascista en la literatura de la cruzada del 36, [in:] Hispania LXXIV/247 (2014), p. 571 of most characteristic cultural features in the nationalist zone. The ones listed are: lambasting the Republicans as foreign-inspired anti-Spain,"rusos, franceses y mejicanos ... comunistas, judios y masones" , García 2009, p. 165 depicting them as bestial brutes,they are depicted as embarking on a killing spree when enjoying themselves with tapas, beer and wine, García 2009, p. 166, Rodrigo 2014, p. 571 disseminating the vision of judeo-masonic plot,Javier Domínguez Arribas, El enemigo judeo-masónico en la propaganda franquista, 1936-1945, Madrid 2009, , pp. 243, 245, 259, 273, 284, 524 idealizing own heroic men,García 2009, p. 171 constructing the Cruzada logic,e.g. in Lágrimas y sonrisas discussing a certain Saturnino Lasterra from Artajona, who took part in the crusade of 1097, Pérez de Olaguer notes that "many years have passed. Even centuries have passed. The wheel of the Crusades keeps turning. There is now a heroic Crusade against unbridled communism. When the moment of truth came, Spain could not fail and the same is true of the land that produced Saturnino . . . and his small home town", quoted and translated after Francisco Javier Caspistegui, Spain's Vendee’: Carlist identity in Navarre as a mobilising model, [in:] Chris Ealham, Michael Richards (eds.), The Splintering of Spain, Cambridge 2005, , pp. 180-181 building a myth of Traditionalist Navarre,e.g. in Estampas Carlistas Pérez de Olaguer presented as typical a case of a village of which all males between 16 and 70 volunteered to requeté, Caspistegui 2005, pp. 187-188, see also Xosé Manoel Núñez Seixas, La España regional en armas y el nacionalismo de guerra franquista (1936-1939), [in:] Ayer 64/4 (2006), p. 210 bending historical truth to serve own political preferencesMás leal que galante is according to one scholar "un acercamiento al pasado histórico, imperial, católico y hasta carlista, de España desde diferentes perspectivas, no sólo como recuperación de repertorio artístico, que fue, por lo general bastante deficiente, y esto en los casos en los que fue retomado, sino desde un punto de vista ideológico, esta vez totalmente divergente", Pablo García Blanco, Contra la placidez del pantano: teoría, crítica y práctica dramática de Gonzalo Torrente Ballester [PhD thesis, Universidad Carlos III de Madrid], Getafe 2008, p. 156 and cultivating sex stereotypes.women were not supposed to fight and were reduced to auxiliary roles "because their fragile, delicate, loving fingers are not made for firing guns, but for weaving gentleness, applying honeyed gauzes to the wounds of those brave, heroic, marvellous Navarrese men", comments on Los de siempre by Caspistegui 2005, p. 186 His individual literary contribution is dismissed as "cuentos escritos en un tono didáctico-moralizante".e.g. Los de siempre is dismissed as "una antologia de cuentos escritos en un tono didáctico-moralizante que idealizan hasta los últimos extremos a los soldados carlistas y el sacrificio de la población de Navarra", Sawicki 2010, p. 64
