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Controversies and criticism

Various Christian groups have criticized the Pentecostal and charismatic movement for too much attention to mystical manifestations, such as glossolalia (which, for a believer, would be the obligatory sign of a baptism with the Holy Spirit); along with falls to the ground, moans and cries during worship services, as well as anti-intellectualism.

A particularly controversial doctrine in the Evangelical Churches is that of the prosperity theology, which spread in the 1970s and 1980s in the United States, mainly through Pentecostals and charismatic televangelists. This doctrine is centered on the teaching of Christian faith as a means to enrich oneself financially and materially through a "positive confession" and a contribution to Christian ministries. Promises of divine healing and prosperity are guaranteed in exchange for certain amounts of donation. Some pastors threaten those who do not tithe with curses, attacks from the devil and poverty. The collections of offerings are multiple or separated in various baskets or envelopes to stimulate the contributions of the faithful. The offerings and the tithe occupies a lot of time in some worship services. Often associated with the mandatory tithe, this doctrine is sometimes compared to a religious business. In 2012, the National Council of Evangelicals of France published a document denouncing this doctrine, mentioning that prosperity was indeed possible for a believer, but that this theology taken to the extreme leads to materialism and to idolatry, which is not the purpose of the gospel. Pentecostal pastors adhering to prosperity theology have been criticized by journalists for their lavish lifestyle (luxury clothes, big houses, high end cars, private aircraft, etc.).

In Pentecostalism, rifts accompanied the teaching of faith healing. In some churches, pricing for prayer against promises of healing has been observed. Some pastors and evangelists have been charged with claiming false healings. Some churches have advised their members against vaccination or other medicine, stating that it is for those weak in the faith and that with a positive confession, they would be immune from the disease. Pentecostal churches that discourage the use of medicine have caused preventable deaths, sometimes leading to parents being sentenced to prison for the deaths of their children. This position is not representative of most Pentecostal churches. "The Miraculous Healing", published in 2015 by the National Council of Evangelicals of France, describes medicine as one of the gifts given by God to humanity. Churches and certain evangelical humanitarian organizations are also involved in medical health programs.

In Pentecostalism, health and sickness is understood holistically. They are not just physical, concurrently, psychological and spiritual, i.e. diseases and despair are from evil forces; devil, sin. Through spiritual intimacy with ultimate divinity any illness can be healed. Today's Pentecostals accept biomedicine, but believe that divine intervention heals even where biomedicine fails. But critics argue that Pentecostal healers induce merely a placebo effect. In the anthropological view, the placebo effect mirrors that humans are a "socio- psycho -physical entity", thus through symbolic manipulation i.e. strong belief on divinity, rituals and miracles, it may induce an actual healing effect on the physical level. In Pentecostalism, healing mainly is a spiritual experience. Being worthy of having an intimacy with God (i.e. ability to confess, forgiveness) gives a cathartic effect which leads to inner healing; accepting of self, healing from memories, which cleanse the root of emotional wounds and sufferings. Divine healing also addresses socially born distresses; socio gender inequalities, racial hatreds which often emerge as physical ailments by empowering patients.

Pentecostalism's divine healing practice is frequently dismissed as emotional or illogical, yet anthropological research reveals its profound cultural and social significance. Hefner demonstrates how deeply rooted Pentecostal healing is in the social structures of countries like Indonesia. Healing techniques are not superstitious; rather, they are an expression of, and response to local power structures and social hierarchies. By functioning as tools for negotiating social roles and upholding communal ties, they show that these activities address genuine social issues and are not isolated from ordinary life.Meyer shows how Pentecostal healing has a similar entanglement with broader cultural frameworks. Giving them a sense of empowerment dispels the notion that these activities are only a means of escape and group support. The focus on divine healing frequently reflects cultural perspectives on health and wellbeing, where social and spiritual dimensions are vital to comprehending and regulating health. Even while Pentecostals occasionally choose not to receive traditional medical care, this decision is influenced by a larger cultural framework that places a high importance on spiritual guidance and communal support.

Pentecostalism's doctrine belief in faith healing has been criticized for more than just its aversion to modern medicine, their tendency to attribute mental health conditions to demonic activity has also been questioned. Faith healing has been the subject of numerous studies with a vast number of scholars aiming to either debunk or prove the effects of its use. One study however aimed rather to explore faith healing as a social construction. The study tracked the healing progress of over 100 participants. Throughout the study a significant number of participants went on to redefine their problem, such as one woman whose original problem was severe back pain; however at the conclusion of the study, she claims her troublesome relationship with her son was healed. Further the study found a correlation between those who redefine their issue and those who are more likely to claim they were healed. These findings suggest that these healings may not be a result of divine intervention. Glik stated that "redefinitions may mirror therapeutic processes of self-discovery" meaning these acts of faith healing may simply be the result of self-growth or the result of the restructure of one's world view as they progress into a religious world view.