[{"bbox": [135, 155, 1134, 258], "category": "List-item", "text": "* Another commitment is the FLEGT-VPA, which is being translated into an implementation plan. MARD has established a VPA multi-stakeholder group (EUD as observer), which is co-chaired by VNFOREST and by NSAs (on rotating basis), to foster technical dialogue and to prepare for policy dialogue between the Government and the EU."}, {"bbox": [135, 262, 1134, 341], "category": "List-item", "text": "* Of equal importance is the commitment made by Viet Nam to SDG12 on sustainable consumption and production (SCP). Such commitment has been translated into SCP Action Plan 2021-2030, approved by the Prime Minister in June 2020, which are implemented and monitored at different levels."}, {"bbox": [135, 343, 1134, 476], "category": "List-item", "text": "* Regarding gender equality, Viet Nam ratified CEDAW in 1982 and submitted 5 periodic review reports to CEDAW committee. The latest concluding observations of the CEDAW committee cut across various areas of concern, including reproductive health; gender-based violence; women political participation; economic empowerment; etc. The committee stresses on the crucial role of Viet Nam's National Assembly in ensuring the implementation of these observations in a complete manner."}, {"bbox": [135, 477, 1134, 637], "category": "List-item", "text": "* In 2020, the world celebrated 20th anniversary of the UNSC Resolution 1325 on Women-Peace-Security (WPS). On such occasion and under Viet Nam's chairmanship of the ASEAN, the ASEAN Ministerial Dialogue on Strengthening Women's Role for Sustainable Peace and Security took place in Hanoi, where Foreign Affairs Ministers underscored the importance of Resolution 1325 (adopted in 2020) and 1889 (adopted in 2009). There is a need for Viet Nam to develop a National WPS Action Plan and starts implementing it, with proper follow up and monitoring."}, {"bbox": [96, 662, 1134, 1273], "category": "Text", "text": "In contrast with government's commitments, the effective **participation of non-State-actors** (NSAs), be it NGOs, Community Based Organisations (CBOs), academia, research institutes, associations, unions, social enterprises, youth and women movements, and private sector actors, in policy making and monitoring processes is still challenging due to shrinking space and increased administrative control. According to a research paper by Nguyen Hong Hai,¹² the resilience of Viet Nam's Communist Party relies on its success in maintaining public trust, constraining its opposition and reducing external pressures. Observations of the Delegation in the last few years are as follows. 1) COVID-19 pandemic has negatively impacted Viet Nam's economic performance and consequently the living standard of Viet Namese. In such context to win public trust, the country steps up its Party-led anti-corruption campaign across various public sectors and in different provinces, arresting and jailing quite a few high-ranking officials. The Party seems to demonstrate that they take pro-active actions to combat corruption involving Party's members, regardless of social pressure, if any. 2) At the same time, the country puts further restrictions on non-State actors (NSAs), whose operations are perceived to entail risks to the political regime. While perception does not always mirror the facts, it leads to sceptical attitude throughout the entire political system vis-à-vis the NSAs, who want to promote democracy; transparency; accountability; etc. The paradox is that the more support donors provide to NSAs the less freedom NSAs enjoy. Thus, the traditional approach in supporting NSAs may be able to generate “quick wins” of tangible outputs at small scale level but fails to create an institutional environment at large to enable NSAs to operate properly. 3) Viet Nam has been active in promoting diplomatic relations to reduce external pressures. The country seems to want to position itself as an increasingly responsible regional and global player, with minimum democracy and human rights issues. Representatives of the country become more vocal and decisive at international conferences, such as the COP26, and more visible and active in international organisations and fora, such as UNSC and UNGA. The government tends to discuss openly with international partners (including with the EU, its Member States, and financial institutions acting in a Team Europe approach) on Climate Actions and about Gender Equality."}, {"bbox": [96, 1299, 1134, 1591], "category": "Text", "text": "**Engaging with NSAs** in Viet Nam is a mixed picture. 1) In the political context of Viet Nam, where NSAs are not yet seen as legal entities, insisting in naming non-profit-organisations and non-governmental-organisations as NSAs often puts these organisations at risk of being questioned by the authorities. This Partnership Programme will focus on the results, rather than arguing about terminologies. 2) Despite limited resources and shrinking space, the NSA community in Viet Nam is vibrant and dynamic. The number of registered NGOs has risen from fewer than 200 in the late 1990s to an estimated 1 700 today. But beyond the NGOs, the NSA landscape in Viet Nam is experiencing rapid and multiple changes, as new types of informal organisations, actors and activities are coming into play and are active in the civic space, both physical and online, from initiatives arising organically from daily life needs, such as ‘Rice with meat’ or ‘Restaurant 2000’ or more recently “Rice ATM” in response to the COVID-19 pandemic, to youth and student groups, social impact business initiatives and start-ups. Online and social media are also booming and attracting a wide audience, despite restrictions by the authorities. The government, however,"}, {"bbox": [86, 1620, 642, 1645], "category": "Footnote", "text": "¹² https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/186810341603500202"}, {"bbox": [1038, 1681, 1143, 1705], "category": "Page-footer", "text": "Page 6 of 26"}]