[{"bbox": [82, 104, 1147, 317], "category": "Text", "text": "These differences have been exploited for centuries in the widespread colonial practice of “divide and rule” that deliberately favoured minorities to prevent cross-ethnic collaboration. After winning independence from the British, retributive actions such as the passing of the Ceylon Citizenship Act² or the Sinhala Only Act³ contributed further to deep-seated mutual grievances among the country’s different ethnic groups. Identity differences continue to be highlighted today by the fact that the main ethnic groups tend to live in spatially concentrated clusters. As far as inter-ethnic relations are concerned, the sense of “connectedness” in Sri Lanka is very low. In the absence of such connectedness, politicians very often have been able to exploit ethnic differences to build up a power base and undermine democratic institutions."}, {"bbox": [82, 329, 1147, 438], "category": "Text", "text": "Ethnicity-based divisions, the marginalisation of certain segments of society, and weak institutions are key obstacles to cross-ethnic social cohesion in Sri Lanka, which hinges on recognition and inclusion as the most basic requirements. Resilient social relationships, positive emotional connectedness and positive state-society relations cannot grow in a community that is systematically excluded."}, {"bbox": [82, 448, 1147, 583], "category": "Text", "text": "A strong sense of alienation between different communities has fuelled recent instances of violence, for example in anti-Muslim riots in Ampara and Kandy in 2018 or after the Easter Sunday Attacks in 2019. Many Sri Lankans are left alone to cope with the impacts of violence and unable to constructively engage in positive social relations. Women and LGBTIQ+ are particularly vulnerable to gender-based violence, which has increased since the start of the COVID-19 pandemic. These problems will be addressed by Result Area 1 of this intervention."}, {"bbox": [82, 593, 1147, 702], "category": "Text", "text": "Exclusion, discrimination and marginalization are also fostered by public discourse, both in traditional and digital media. Widely circulated myths, hate speech and misinformation fuel divisions that hamper social cohesion; events such as the Easter Sunday Attacks and the COVID-19 pandemic exacerbated ethno-nationalist narratives and other divisive content in the country. These issues will be addressed by Result Area 2 of this intervention."}, {"bbox": [82, 712, 1147, 953], "category": "Text", "text": "Such exclusion can also be seen inter alia in the economic sector: Disparities in access to economic opportunities and the resulting income inequalities pose a challenge that has likely been worsened by the COVID-19 pandemic. Women are facing discrimination regarding a whole spectrum of human rights, including basic economic and social rights. For example regarding access to employment and entrepreneurship: women labour-market participation is 38% compared to 79% of men; firms with female top managers, 8 % women, compared to 92 %. Similarly, existing challenges regarding labour market entry for marginalised groups have been further exacerbated by COVID-19. These challenges particularly affect women and youth from groups living in vulnerable situations such as IDPs, minority communities and persons with disabilities who often face intersectional discrimination and exclusion. These problems will be addressed by Result Area 3 of this intervention."}, {"bbox": [82, 963, 1147, 1258], "category": "Text", "text": "**Stakeholders** will include government bodies, that are the main duty-bearers of the action, both at central and local level in particular those mandated for social cohesion, reconciliation and inclusion – The Ministry of Justice, the likely invigorated Office of National Unity and Reconciliation (ONUR), State Ministry of Women and Child Development, National Integration Promotion Officers and other relevant bodies and committees mainly located at district and divisional level. Rights-holders of the action are people. Their rights will be represented by CSOs representing different groups of rights-holders such as persons with disabilities, minorities, IDPs and women, including women organisations and their networks for their familiarity with the local context and relationship with communities and authorities. CSOs representing youths to capitalise their strong interest in participating in policy making at all levels and complements and support of grassroots work. Journalists for their potential role in promoting constructive narratives on diversity; the private sector for its potential role in improving models for collaboration and inclusive employment and trade unions to promote social and economic justice."}, {"bbox": [82, 1268, 1147, 1323], "category": "Text", "text": "The proposal is based on a ‘whole-of-society’ approach considered essential to contribute to the many processes needed – from central to sub-national levels – to promote social cohesion."}, {"bbox": [82, 1333, 1147, 1442], "category": "Text", "text": "**Primary beneficiaries, main targeted rights-holders of the action,** will be ethnic minorities and groups living in vulnerable situations, as well as persons, such as women and youths from minority communities, persons with disabilities, LGBTIQ+ and displaced people, who are often subject to intersectional exclusion and violence but who have potential to play, at the same time, important roles in promotion of peace."}, {"bbox": [72, 1597, 1157, 1641], "category": "Footnote", "text": "² The Ceylon Citizenship Act No. 18 of 1948 was controversial law passed by the Ceylon Parliament which did not grant citizenship to Indian Tamils, who were 11% of the population,"}, {"bbox": [72, 1641, 1005, 1664], "category": "Footnote", "text": "³ The Sinhala Only Bill, (1956) act passed by the government of Ceylon made Sinhalese the official language of the country."}, {"bbox": [1051, 1663, 1157, 1687], "category": "Page-footer", "text": "Page 5 of 20"}]