1. p. 7 The field is known to the French as 'mimologique' and to most English-speaking researchers as 'sound symbolism' or 'phonetic symbolism'. Wescott talks of 'phonosemics'. The syntacticians speak more generally of 'linguistic iconism', and the Africans talk of 'ideophones' without mentioning any of the above terms associated with the field as a whole. In this text, I will refer to the field as 'phonosemantics', following Stanislav Voronin's usage as a sub-field of linguistic iconism -- phonologic as opposed to syntactic iconism. As Jakobson points out, the term 'sound symbolism' is really concerned with C.S. Peirce's 'icon' rather than his 'symbol', and that is why I too find the term 'sound symbolism' confusing.
2. p.32 Those not discussed at greater length in this introduction include J. Reinius (German and English, 1908), Edward Sapir (Wishram, 1911), Diedrich Westermann (Ewe, 1930), Charleton Maxwell (Malay, 1932), Stanley Newman (Bella Coola, 1933), G. Allport (Hungarian, 1935), Otto Dempwolff (Austronesian, 1938), F. I. Deed (Swahili, 1939), Margarete Eberhardt (the deaf, 1940), J. Orr (English, 1944), Gladys Reichard (Couer d'Alene, 1945), Jan Gonda (Indonesian, 1948), E. M. Uhlenbeck (Javanese, 1950), Karl Hoffmann (Old Indian, 1952), Hans Marchand (Turkish, 1952), Edward Dimock (Bengali, 1957), M. Durand (Vietnamese, 1961), R. Davis (Tanganyikan languages, 1961), Murray Miron (cross-linguistic, 1962), Fred Householder (Azerbadjani, 1962), Samuel Elmo Martin (Korean, 1962), Nils Thun (English, 1963), G. Atzet and H.B. Gerard (Navajo, 1965), Denzel Carr (Malay, 1966), David Heise (English, 1966), Bob Blust (Austronesian, 1969), M.B. Emeneau (Indian languages, 1969), S. Voronin (English, 1969), M. Tsien-Lee (Chinese, 1969), Henri Frei (Japanese, 1970), Mary Haas (Northwestern California, 1970), G. H. Matthews (Proto-Siouxan, 1970), R. Ultan (Konkow, 1971), Robert Ostwalt (Pomo, 1971), Margaret Langdon (Yuman, 1971), Marshall Durbin (Mayan, 1973), V. V. Levitskij (Ukrainian, 1973), John Wolff (Austronesian, 1974), A. P. Zhuravlev (Russian, 1974), R. D. Tarte (Czech, 1974), Gérard Diffloth (Semai, 1976), Kong-On Kim (Korean, 1977), Asher Koriat and I. Levy (Hindi and Japanese, 1977), S. Greenberg and J. D. Sapir (Kujamutay, 1978), Richard Rhodes (Ojibwa, 1980), Brent Berlin and J O'Neill (Jivaroan, 1981), Ira Schloss (English, 1981), Marianne Mithun (English, 1982), Brian Joseph (Greek, 1984), Wayne Leman (Cheyenne, 1984), H. Ono (Japanese, 1984), Ancho Gerganov and Taseva Krasimira (Bulgarian, 1985), Martha Ratcliff (White Hmong, 1986), Johanna Nichols (Chechan, Ingush, 1987), Julie Nemer (Temne, 1987), Anthony Woodbury (Yupik Eskimo, 1987), Bruce Mannheim (Quechua, 1988), John Lawler (English, 1989), Eva-Marie Ernst (German, French, Italien, 1990), Robin Allott (English, 1990's), Anatoly Liberman (Germanic, 1990), William Herlovsky (Japanese, 1991), Hans Kaesmann (English, 1992), H. Fukuda (Japanese, 1993), Shoko Hamano (Japanese, 1994), Murray Elias Denoffsky (English, 1994), Caitlin Hines (English, 1994), Terrence Kaufmann (Haustec, 1994), Margaret Langdon (Guarani, 1994), Randy Lapolla (Mandarin, 1994), James Matisoff (Lahu, 1994), W. McGregor (Kuniyanti, 1996), Janice Nuckolls (Quechua, 1996)
3. p.37 Ernst Cassirer also draws a correlation between Peirce's three levels and various linguistic expressions. But whereas Cassirer sees some expressions as mimetic, others as indexical and others as symbolic, I will propose here that all expressions are all of these at the same time.
4. p 50 These include Abelin (1998, 1999) , Adi and Ewell (1987), Allott (1974), Allport (1935), André (1966, 1967), Anisfeld (1968), Arzhevskaya and Voronin (1986), Austerlitz (1994), Barry and Harper (1995), Bartens (2000), Berlin (1994), Berlin and O'Neill (1981), Bernard-Thierry (1961), Bloomfield (1909-1910), Bolinger (1950), Bradley (1977), Carnoy (1917), Carr (1966), Cassidy, Kelly and Sharoni (2000), Chang (1990), Deed (1939), deLisle (1981), Dempwolff (1938), Denofsky (1994), Diffloth (1976, 1979), Dimock, (1957), Dolinina, (1988), Durand (1961), Durbin (1973), Emeneau (1938, 1969), Emerson (1995, 1996), Ernst (1990), Ertel (1972), Ertel and Dorst (1965), Feld (1982), Fónagy (1963), Frei (1970), Fujita, et. al. (1984), Fukuda (1993), Gamble (1975), Gomi (1989), Gonda (1949-1950), Greenberg and Sapir (1978), Grew (1998), Haas (1970), Hamano (1986, 1994, 1998), Heise (1966), Herlofsky (1981), Hill (1987), Hines (1994), Hoffman (1952), Hough (2000), Householder (1946, 1962), Jacobsen (1994), Jin (1995), Joseph (1984), Kaesmann (1992), Kakehi (1983), Kakehi, Mito, Hayase, Tzuzuki and Young (1981), Kakehi, Schourup and Tamori (1998), Karlgren (1934, 1962), Katkevich (1999), Kaufman (1994), Key (1997), Kim (1977), Kinkade (1976), Langdon (1971, 1994), Lawler (1990), Lee (1992), Leman (1984), Leslau (1961), Levitckij (1973b), Liberman (1990), Lihomanova (1999), Marchand (1952, 1957, 1959a, 1969), Markel and Hamp (1961), Martin (1962), Matisoff (1994), McCune (1983), McGregor (1996), Miles (1848), Mito, et. al. (1981), Morin (1972), Morito (1973), Nemer (1987), Nichols (1986), Nishihari (1980), Nodier (1808), Nuckolls (1996), O'Boyle, Miller and Rahmani (1987), Ono (1984), Oswalt (1971), Philps (1997), Poldervaart (1984, 1989), Pyle (1949), Ratliff (1986), Reichard (1945), Reinius (1908), Rhodes (1994), Sadasivam (1966), Salisbury (1992), Sapir (1911), Schuchardt (1897), Shulepova (1991), Smithers (1954), Tanz (1971), Thorndike (1944, 1945a, 1945b), Thun (1963), Traunmüller (1996), Tsien-Lee (1969), Uhlenbeck (1971), Ultan (1971, 1978), Veldi (1988a, 1989, 1990, 1994a), Voronin (1969), Wescott (1971a, 1973, 1975c, 1975d, 1977, 1978), Westermann (1937), Wilkinson (1936).
5. p. 63 After spending some time at this, one of course is tempted to ask oneself why something which is so readily verifiable is so universally denied. One possible answer is that few linguists actually conduct these experiments themselves; some apparently consider it so unlikely at first glance that it's not worth testing for.
Another reason that the Phonosemantic Hypothesis is still not generally accepted perhaps lies in the enormous influence of proponents of the Conventionalist position -- notably Ferdinand de Saussure, the Junggrammatiker and Noam Chomsky. It certainly hasn't helped matters that proponents of the Naturalist position have often denied that word meaning is in any sense arbitrary or have claimed that certain languages were more iconic and therefore more perfect than others. (My friend Rollin Williams used to joke that in the beginning all people had the perfect name 'Rollin Williams', but whenever they did something wrong, their name changed a little. It's sad but true that many very smart people, having apprehended a smidgin of iconism in their native language, have in all haste and seriousness drawn precisely the same conclusion.) In part, I think the reason for the failure to acknowledge the existence of linguistic iconism probably lies in the relative inaccessibility of the data. That some aspect of word meaning is arbitrary is completely obvious to anyone. The acceptance of the Phonosemantic Hypothesis, however, rests on the acceptance of a Phonosemantic Classificational system. They are somewhat tedious to devise.
In addition, some linguists don't see the data in the same way as others. I have been told, for example, by a linguist reader of Appendix I that he sees no semantic similarity between these words 'bulge' and 'bloat' on the one hand and 'ball' on the other. Probably the 'nouniness' and concreteness of 'ball' obscures the 'bulging' implicit in the word more to some than to others. And it's very common for people to feel that words like 'gleam', 'glimmer', 'glitter' and 'shine' are completely identical in every way. One colleague objected that the phonestheme listed above for walking verbs containing /r/ was missing, for example, the verb 'roar', as in 'to roar down the street'. This usage of 'roar', he pointed out, did not have to refer only to vehicular motion. A child running very fast or running down the street and making a noise like a vehicle could be said to be 'roaring down the street'. Since I felt this was true, I added 'roar' to the phonestheme, and then another colleague objected that 'roar' seemed to her to apply only to vehicles. Of course, what is happening is that the basic 'sense' of 'roar' is not a verb of motion at all, but a verb of sound. It is only metaphorically extended to motion with a prototypically vehicular subject. The motional verb 'roar' with a subject who is on foot is derived a second time from the verb with a vehicular subject. To some people it seems more 'complete' to include 'roar' as a verb of running. To others, it seems like 'pushing it'. And I feel both at the same time, so I have not included or excluded verbs like 'roar' from the phonesthemes in any principled way. Be that as it may, it clear that to the extent that people don't see the data the same, they obviously won't draw the same conclusions about it. But despite concerns like this if I ask myself whether there is any doubt in my mind whether there are indeed significant disproportions between the forms of words and their meanings, then there is none.
6. p. 70 There are a couple other types of words besides the Concrete Nouns which the Phonosemantic Classifications don't work for as well as others. In both cases, I believe the reason for the relative failure is not that the sound-meaning is weaker, but rather that it is much stronger than in the case of most words. In both cases, I think that Phonosemantic Association is weak, because the referent is unclear, but Iconism proper is exerting an unusually powerful effect. One of these classes is the function words, especially the prepositions. These tend to have a very broad meaning, which I believe can be shown to be very strongly rooted in the sound-meaning. That discussion requires the reader accept so many premises that I am still debating here, however, that I've not brought up the function words in this dissertation. The functions words, like the Concrete Nouns also in general have no perfect synonyms, despite the fact that the referent in all but the most basic sense in these words is not at all clear. (What does the 'up' in 'look up a word' and 'walk up to' and 'stop up' refer to?) They therefore don't easily fall into the phonesthemes, not because sound-meaning is weak, but because the word is so unique and bears such a huge functional load in the language. It was mentioned that basic words in a language often form the focus around which other words cluster by Phonosemantic Association. This is in general not the case of the most basic words in the language -- the function words. Phonosemantic Association is a process whereby referents cluster toward a sound. Probably since these words have unclear referents, they do not work well as focal points for Phonosemantic Association.
The other class of words which resist the phonesthemes because Iconism is so strong and reference is non-concrete is slang. New slang words tend to be invented more readily than other types of words, and their effect is so 'touchy-feely', that we avail ourselves of all the sounds in a language in order to produce them. Slang words typically fall in a limited set of Natural Classes, such as insulting words for people (dweeb, geek, nerd, jerk, twit, etc.) and words for something very appealing (cool, snazzy, sharp, groovy, (g)narly?, etc.).
7. p. 76 Just briefly by way of example, clumsiness is expressed in word initial English phonemes as follows:
- /b/ (forceful -- boorish, brutish, buffalo, bull in a china shop,...)
- /d/ (stupid -- dumb, dunce, dodo, dippy, daft,...)
- /g/ (grotesque -- gross, gaudy, ghoulish, garish, garbage, gunk, goo)
- /p/ -- no examples
- /tr/ (one verb -- trip up)
- /kl/ (dysfunctional -- clod, clunker, clumsy, klutz)
- /kr/, /kl/, /kw/ (socially inept -- crass, coarse, crazy, clown, queer)
- /v/, /D/, /Z/ -- no examples
- /z/ -- (crazy -- zoned, zoo)
- /fl/ -- (failures and flaws -- fall, flag, flinch, flop, foul)
- /s/ -- (dirty -- smirch, smudge, scuff, soil, spot, slop, slobber, slurp, scraggy, scruffy, slovenly)
- /sl/ -- (slouch -- slip, slack, slump)
- /S/ -- no examples
- /h/ -- (hobble -- halt, hock, hop, hulk)
- /J/ -- no examples
- /C-k/ -- (sudden dysfunction in an ongoing process -- check, choke, chink, chicken out)
- /m/ (destructive -- mess, miss, muck, mince, mush)
- /n/ (brainless -- nut, ninny, knucklehead)
- /l/ (loss, looseness, lame -- lack, lapse, leak, lose, lurch, limbo, limp, lumber)
- /r/ (raw, raucus -- rough, rank, runt, rude, rabble, rowdy), (error -- wrong)
- /w/ (weird, unstable -- wacky, whoops, wobble, weave, waddle)
- /j/ (naive -- young, yellow)
8. p. 103 We might ask ourselves this: What is the simplest account we can offer of this little subset of data -- the monosyllabic verbs in English which concern motion on foot?
In looking at a semantic class of this type one observes patterns in the relationship between the pronunciation and meaning of words. But one does not in general find a straightforward relationship between phonemes and Natural Classes. For example, it's not the case that all running verbs begin with /r/ or that all verbs implying forward motion end in /t/. Instead, there seems to be some kind of dynamic interplay between the consonants that results in the patterning one observes. For example, dynamic motion occurs in one of several contexts... /p/+[+liquid] or verbs which don't contain /p/. It's almost as if the default for /p/ were to keep things in place, and that only the dynamism of the most mobile of consonants -- the liquids -- has the power to dislodge the /p/. This description is, of course, more poetic than scientific, and if there is any truth in it, it would have to be translated into a scientific metaphor and quantified in physical terms.
Without going into it in detail at this point, I suggest one method that could be employed for quantifying observations of this sort. Numerical weights could be assigned to various consonants for stasis vs. dynamism, verticality vs. horizontality, and so forth. These weightings would also be dependent on the position at which the consonant finds itself within the word. The dynamics between /b/ and /l/ is different depending on whether the /b/ precedes the /l/ or the /l/ precedes the /b/, for example. Furthermore, each consonant could be assigned a direction in which its energy is applied. This might be represented as a vector. The stops point back into the mouth, whereas /r/ points out of the mouth. The phoneme /l/ acts like a body of water whose direction sloshes around depending on the environment that it finds itself in. When /l/ is preceded by /g/, it frequently gets 'glued' from behind. This could be describes using this notation as a vector assigned to /g/ pointing back into the mouth pulling on the /l/, which is articulated out in front of it. Similarly, when /l/ is preceded by /b/, it is physically and often semantically blocked or blinded from in front. The force of the /l/ on the /b/ is generally sufficient to produce a 'bulge', but the more directed energy of the /r/ is required to 'break' the barrier of the /b/. Hence many verbs of breakage and branching contain /b/ and /r/. These descriptions are, of course, merely descriptions of the physics of articulation. If the Phonosemantic Hypothesis is correct and if there is an Iconic dimension in phoneme semantics, then Iconism will insure that word semantics is reflected in part in the physics of the mouth during articulation.
If we limit ourselves just to this set of data and try to describe it in the terms just outlined, we might say that /p/ seems to default to stasis, but that liquids have the power to override this stasis and impart dynamism to the word. Whether or not there is any universality to this description remains open to debate. In fact, there is evidence in Appendix V to suggest that this single-pointed stasis in /p/ holds not only of walking verbs. The phoneme /p/ in general strongly emphasizes the 'point'. There are a preponderance of words containing /p/ which refer to small pea-shaped objects, as well as a great many objects like spikes and pins which have points. When the /p/ is followed by an /l/, however, the point tends to spread out into a 'plane' (plate, plateau, platter, plank, plot, etc.). Similarly, verbs of 'pulling' from a specific place usually contain an /l/: peel, plow, plumb, plunge, etc. and similar verbs involving separation tend to contain an /r/: pare, parse, part, prune, pry, etc.
This type of analysis will not be worked out in this dissertation at any length. Since the entire foundation on such a descriptive apparatus would be based is still very much in debate, only the barest outlines of it are proposed.
9. (p157) I calculate the chances that there will be no pairs as n!/((n-p)!(n**p)) where n is 50,000 and p is (349-24)/4=81. The first formula -- n!/((n-p)!(n**p)) -- can be thought of this way. If there is 1 word, then there is a probability of 1 or a 100% chance that there will be no matches. If there are two words, there is a probability of:
50,000/50,000 * 49,999/50,000
that there will be no matches. If there are 3 responses, the probability of no matches is decreased to:
1 * 49,999/50,000 * 49,998/50,000
And so on for as many responses as one gets -- hence, n!/((n-p)!(n**p)). This can be simplified as
(n-0)/n * (n-1)/n * (n-2)/n * ... * (n -(p-1))/n
which is what I actually use to calculate.
Then I subtract this result from 1 to get the probability that there will be a pair (as opposed to the probability of no pairs), and then take the reciprocal to get the answer in the form '1 chance in X'.
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