Behind-the-scenes of the Nicaraguan Revolution
937827
For those interested in Central American history, this book is a fascinating read. After a recent visit to Nicaragua I was eager to learn more about this country and its tragic history. This book filled in the gaps of my understanding and gave me a fascinating glimpse into the Nicaraguan Revolution through the eyes of a woman.

The memoir, as told by Gioconda Belli, is a brave tale of a woman who holds strong to her dedication to overthrowing the Somoza dictatorship, despite infinite dangers to herself and her family. Famous figures such as Fidel Castro, the Ortega brothers and Carlos Fonseca make appearances in the story. The author shattered my illusion that the revolution was lead by peasants and the lower-class. Belli herself was a upper-class socialite with all the privileges of her status, before dedicating her life to the revolution.

In addition to her activism in politics and social struggle, Belli is a poet. The book gives an insider's view of the the Nicaraguan arts scene and the role of Nicaraguan poets in fueling the revolution.
1684897
In "Revolution in the Age of Social Media", Professor Linda Herrera provides a compelling and realistic view of the Egyptian revolution through the unique eyes of political activists and the interesting role that social media played during this time. By focusing on the tragic death and uproar of Khaled Said, Herrera follows the promotions of the movement brought about by this instance, closely examining how social media influenced the social movement that followed. Herrera focuses less on the events during the Egyptian revolution, and more on the power that social media played in the campaigns created by angered Egyptian citizens. Herrera's work provides a positive spin and a perspective on the immense effects that social media can play to ban together groups of individuals who share similar views on a specific topic.
2943046
This was an interesting collection of photos, posters, and visuals that gave many glimpses as to the experience of the Spanish Civil War. It is a great supplementary volume to a written history, but some what disjointed taken on its own. Like a book of soldiers' uniforms, you need a background knowledge to make sense of the material. At the same time, this reflects the actual perceptions of many at the time who saw but did not comprehend what was happening.
4844761
Tom Watson captures an important moment in time that continues to unfold. He shines a light on all the fascinating changes that are taking place for personal giving, including Kiva and Donors Chose, options that I wasn't aware of. And he looks at his own experiment in group blogging, newcritics, to offer broader insights to how people organize online. It's a great, concise way to learn a lot about the revolution that's going on.
1245789
This book puts the fairy tale version of the revolution to rest and reveals a complex, bloody, and long struggle that led to the "new nation". The author does a tremendous job of of ordering and explaining the first hand account therein.

The book's focuses is the military history of the revolution as written by generals for both sides of the conflict. This perspective gives the reader great insight into how war was conducted in that era. Often when the American revolution is discussed the military aspect is left out. I found that the military aspect of the conflict revealed the nature of British control of the colonies as well as the colonist zeal for revolution.

Upon reading the book I came to the conclusion that America was free from  British control before the revolution and that the revolution was actually the Americans defending their homeland from British invaders.
527401
United Fruit had a monopoly on the banana for over 100 years.  This book ties familiar names from US history into the company's history and offers a more cosmopolitan perspective to the import business.  The fact that United Fruit virtually controlled all aspects of Central American politics and governance during their hey-day is never mentioned in history books.  The company was deeply involved in fomenting revolutions and regime changes throughout Central America until the mid-1970's with the tacit approval of certain US agencies and the lobbying of well-known government appointees behind the scenes.  The author ties events together and shows how ruthless monopolies can be when protecting their interests to the detriment of all other considerations.  This is an intriguing behind the scenes look at globalization gone wild.
1172505
Yarimar Bonilla focuses on the labor activism surrounding the French Antilles and concentrates on the island of Guadeloupe. She concentrates on the effects of labor strikes on the individual as well as the effect it has on the larger communities at play. She discusses how history plays an active role in the current labor strikes that have been prominent on the island in the past few years included the major strike of 2009. Bonilla writes about the role of the French government on the activism that is seen in the Antilles in terms of politics, discrimination and most importantly in terms of economic stance. Fascinating ethnography on the different living and working conditions of two places, France and Guadeloupe, which are governed under the same leaders.
4921193
The seminal documentation of the atrocities committed by the Spanish against the New World indigenous, all carried out in the name of God. It also provides insights into the background of those who carried out such deeds. A must read.
3745944
Reading Mr. Hendrix's work on Nicaragua provides those interested on current events and recent history in the country with a very professional assessment of where the country is coming from, and even better, where the  country is heading in the near future. Development at its best is what the recount of a field worker is about, with lessons to  be  learned for the Latin American countries as a whole, not only Nicaragua.
'Right versus wrong, instead of right versus left' is the guiding principle, not on theory but applied foreing aid and cooperation on building institutions for the long run.
Nation-building and democracy have been making inroots just a couple decades back and there are much to do in the  years to come, but,anybody in the development area will have to take a look at this  great yet well written work by Hendrix.
1610517
In most journalistic accounts of Argentina's "Dirty War", there is a clear tendency to villify the Argentine Military and whitewash their adversaries, portraying them as youthful idealists, subversive but essentially harmless.  This approach is highly misleading.  One cannot understand "the Generals" without understanding "the Guerillas".  The great merit of Paul Lewis's book is that it promotes an objective understanding of both sides.

In Lewis's evenhanded account we learn that the Monteneros, the ERP, the FAR, the FAP and others - were not innocuous hippies or armchair radicals, but rather violent and utterly ruthless revolutionaries who would stop at nothing to impose a communist dictatorship on Argentina.

As the title suggests, Lewis doesn't take sides, but allows the facts speak for themselves. He describes the brutality on both sides of the conflict with unflinching candor, in a narrative that is thoroughly engrossing and delivered with verve and style.

Who, then, were the revolutionaries who were defeated by the Military during Argentina's "Dirty War"?

-  Groups of urban guerillas and armed terrorists were organized by the Peronist Youth during Juan Peron's exile.  Peron's eventual return to Argentina in 1973 owed much to their efforts.
-  The largest of the guerilla bands were the ERP and the Montoneros.  Both fought for a communist state similar to Cuba's.  The Montoneros believed, mistakenly, that Peron agreed with their goals.  After Peron's election as President in 1973, when it became clear to him that the urban guerillas would not obey his orders or cooperate with his movement, he turned decisively against them.  Among other things, he funded the "Argentine Anti-communist Alliance", under the leadership of his close crony, Jose Lopez Rega - an organization devoted to the murder of as many communists as possible.
-  At the height of its power, the ERP ("People's Revolutionary Army") had 5,000 heavily-armed soldiers and a support-network of some 60,000 sympathizers.  The Montoneros fielded a disciplined force of some 25,000 armed combatants, assisted by a total membership of some 250,000.
-  These groups (and others as well) had intelligence networks, munitions workshops, printing presses, training camps, safe houses and "peoples' prisons".  They engaged in the entire gamut of terrorist activity:  bombing, assassination, kidnapping, bank-robbery, etc.  Their activities were funded by tens of millions of dollars, much from multi-nationals paying ransom for kidnapped executives.
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1509733
This is an important account of the social conflicts in Colombia during the last 170 years supported by careful

research on such an important topic. It helps to rescue  a historical memory that the dominant narrative in that South American country wants to permanently erase. It emphasizes the democratic and consistent resistance of what Hylton calls "subaltern" groups throughout the republican history of Colombia. Although the voices and struggles of the urban and rural working classes have not been emphasized enough in this book, they occupy a prominent place. These struggles have not produced sensationalist and flashy headlines like those of the armed groups, yet they have consistently and heroically helped to organize un-unionized rural and urban workers. Mr. Hylton has been critical of all the armed actors in this conflict and rightly provides a general context to better understand their actions. While it is true that leftists in Colombia have emphasized, to their own detriment the call to arms, there has also been a Left that has consistently called for the self-organization of the urban and rural working class. Indeed, most of the armed groups have in a sectarian fashion ridiculed the organization of the urban working class. The narrative of violence has been tragically overemphasized by a Left (perhaps because of the feudal nature of the recent past and the weakness of working class traditions in a semi feudal society) that needs to respect all minorities and their democratic traditions as Mr. Hylton very well documents in his book. His narrative gives us an overview and a general context that complements those of anthropologist Taussig and journalist Molano.
142771
This wonderful interview was done with Fidel Castro by Merynn M. Dymally (then head of the Congressional Black Caucus). and his advisor Jeffrey M. Elliot. A small portion of their extensive interview in 1985 appeared in Playboy.

Castro answers many of the US slanders at the time, such are their alleged drug smuggling, and the lies about Cuba's role in Grenada (for more on this, see&nbsp;<a data-hook="product-link-linked" class="a-link-normal" href="/Maurice-Bishop-Speaks-The-Grenada-Revolution-and-Its-Overthrow-1979-83/dp/0873486129/ref=cm_cr_arp_d_rvw_txt?ie=UTF8">Maurice Bishop Speaks: The Grenada Revolution and Its Overthrow 1979-83</a>&nbsp;and&nbsp;<a data-hook="product-link-linked" class="a-link-normal" href="/New-International-no-6-The-Second-Assassination-of-Maurice-Bishop/dp/0873486412/ref=cm_cr_arp_d_rvw_txt?ie=UTF8">New International no 6: The Second Assassination of Maurice Bishop</a>. There is also a lot on Cuba's relationship with Nicaragua  (see also&nbsp;<a data-hook="product-link-linked" class="a-link-normal" href="/Sandinistas-Speak-Speeches-Writings-and-Interviews-with-Leaders-of-Nicaragua-s-Revolution/dp/0873486196/ref=cm_cr_arp_d_rvw_txt?ie=UTF8">Sandinistas Speak: Speeches, Writings, and Interviews with Leaders of Nicaragua's Revolution</a>&nbsp;and&nbsp;<a data-hook="product-link-linked" class="a-link-normal" href="/New-International-no-9-The-Rise-and-Fall-of-the-Nicaraguan-Revolution/dp/0873487508/ref=cm_cr_arp_d_rvw_txt?ie=UTF8">New International no. 9: The Rise and Fall of the Nicaraguan Revolution</a>.

Of course Southern Africa comes up, which there is a huge amount of good material on, but start with&nbsp;<a data-hook="product-link-linked" class="a-link-normal" href="/Cuba-and-Angola-Fighting-for-Africa-s-Freedom-and-Our-Own/dp/1604880465/ref=cm_cr_arp_d_rvw_txt?ie=UTF8">Cuba and Angola: Fighting for Africa's Freedom and Our Own</a>&nbsp;and&nbsp;<a data-hook="product-link-linked" class="a-link-normal" href="/How-Far-We-Slaves-Have-Come-South-Africa-and-Cuba-in-Today-s-World/dp/087348729X/ref=cm_cr_arp_d_rvw_txt?ie=UTF8">How Far We Slaves Have Come! South Africa and Cuba in Today's World</a>, and&nbsp;<a data-hook="product-link-linked" class="a-link-normal" href="/The-Coming-Revolution-in-South-Africa-New-International-no-5/dp/0873486404/ref=cm_cr_arp_d_rvw_txt?ie=UTF8">The Coming Revolution in South Africa (New International no. 5)</a>.

Happy Reading!
1740535
The New Nicaragua ia a fascinating and insightful account of events that took place in this troubled Central American Country from 2005 to 2007.  The account is written by someone who by virtue of his work responsibilities and his commitment became an actor of such events.  In a rather touching way and with a profound human content, the author weaves his role, and that of those working with him for the good of Nicaragua, with his personal and family live and shows how both mutually support one another.  With courage and a wealth of detailed information and facts, Hendrix describes, for example, the events leading to the 2006 presidential election in Nicaragua where the role of the United States official community (with contractors and grantees, foreign and Nicaraguans)is clearly not a quest of the political right against the political left, but a generous battle of what was socially and politically right against what was evidently socially and politically wrong.  The "wrong" in Nicaragua is represented by one of the most corrupt and unholy alliances in Latin America's political history:  "The Pact" or the alliance of the political left (Daniel Ortega and the Sandinistas)with the political right (Arnoldo Aleman and the PLC) that was made possible with the sole purpose of perpetuating a scheme of corruption, impunity and blatant abuse of power.

For these and many other reasons, The New Nicaragua makes a fascinating reading.  In going through its pages, the uninformed reader will begin to understand why the offices that the US Government has established to provide assistance in developing countries are called Missions.  Steve Hendrix is certainly one of many men and women with an acute sense of mission and purpose in their service overseas.

Another important aspect that becomes apparent in the pages of Steve Hendrx' book is understanding how and why the roles of US Embassies (political, economic and diplomatic interests) find coinciding goals and objectives with the development agenda of USAID in developing countries and how they can work together, as they did in Nicaragua, to defend the best interest of the country and its population.

In sum, The New Nicaragua is the passionate and yet objective and accurate account of a US foreign service development assistance officer where he describes the mission of getting involved and caring about the misfortunes of a small country in the heart of Central America. Any and everybody interested in the international arena, political scientists, development experts, civil society activists, university students, should read the New Nicaragua by Steve Hendrix. It is not only a true story but also one that is told with the sincerity, the passion and the human warmth of someone who became a committed player in the story.
291923
Every year or so, AK Press publishes another excellent book on the history of the Spanish revolution and this book is no exception. For activists involved in the global anticapitalist movements, Frank Mintz's classic study of the Spanish revolutionary anarchist collectives is an exciting and inspirational read. Certainly, if you are interested in workers' self-management, cooperative economics, anarcho-syndicalism, and participatory democracy then you need to read this book. Though an important piece of anarchist scholarship, the book is extremely accessible and I am sure you will find it a pleasure to read. Moreover, for antifascist activists, this book is doubly important as it shows how the Spanish anarchists were able to build a self-managed, federated, libertarian communist economy from below while simultaneously resisting the tyranny of the Franco regime, an important lesson given the scary resurgence of fascist movements in North America and Europe and the crushing effects of corporate globalization on the working-class.

If you're interested in learning more about the Spanish anarchist collectives, I also recommend reading Sam Dolgoff's hard-to-find book, "The Anarchist Collectives: Workers' Self-Management in the Spanish Revolution, 1936-1939".
4822284
If you are interested in the Mejican revolution and its causes, this is an excellent book.
The reproduction is not so good.
4378965
This book summarizes eighty years of popular struggles in El Salvador.  For those who made some effort to learn about the country when it was in the news (and the crosshairs of the Reagan administration) probably the most revealing sections are those describing the wave of protest in the late sixties (which spawned the mass organizations that became radicalized during the seventies) and the most recent wave of protests, the 2002 mobilizations opposing the privatization of the health care system.  The uprising of the 1930s that was crushed by the 'Matanza', and the revolutionary wave of the late seventies and early eighties are likely to be more familiar.
  Almeida  has a lot of history to get through, so, inevitably, the book is a little weak on the lively anecdote or detailed analysis of consciousness.  At times I found this frustrating, at others I was impressed by what he managed to include.  For example, I was interested to learn that the Sandinista triumph in Nicaragua helped galvanize the Salvadoran left into unifying.  Almeida's theoretical frame for understanding the waves of protest draws heavily on the 'opportunity structure' rhetoric of Charles Tilly and his followers.  As he notes, this theorizing is largely based on investigations of social movements in the wealthier countries.  They emphasize the way more institutional access to government and electoral opportunities tends to spur the growth of movements, and he finds this to be the case.  But looking at El Salvador, he also emphasizes the role of 'threat' in spurring mobilization.  If organizations already exist, and the government becomes more repressive, their outlook may radicalize, and protest may intensify.  This is basically what happened in 1931-32 and 1976-1981.  This is good as it goes, but it is a little mechanistic--it feels at times that protests are just generated and repressed based on external factors.  Fortunately, Almeida's skills as a historian frequently exceed the limits of this framework.
  I would have liked to hear more both about the ways in which these protest movements related to trends in the wider world and the ways they relate to each other over time.  Regarding the former, he talks about the way in which the 1930s mobilization related to the global picture, but, surprisingly, this is almost completely absent from the analysis of the sixties explosion, part of a worldwide wave of protest.  As for the latter, the question of how actors understand their relationship to previous waves,  this question seems particularly relevant and underexplored for the most recent wave (again, the 2002 protests).  I've heard that, as in many countries, including neighboring Nicaragua, the end of the civil war helped unleash considerable resentment on the left about the ways the Leninist FMLN controlled movement organizations.  This is in line with trends through Latin America, and, indeed, the world.  At the same time, the FMLN has emerged as a credible electoral challenger--again, compared to Nicaragua, where the Sandinistas won national elections, but have completely distanced themselves from their revolutionary heritage, it seems like it has not entirely lost its way.  The sorts of debates that are undoubtedly developing about these questions are largely absent from the text.  Still, it should be emphasized that Almeida covers a lot of ground already, and the book is well worth reading.  If you are a veteran of CISPES, and want to learn more about the long term history of El Salvador, consider adding it to your reading list.  And if you are a student of social movements, you should probably read it too, because Almeida is right, that literature is much too heavily weighted towards the US and Western Europe.
357130
This book provides the reader with an interesting collection of photographs that span from the mid 19th Century to the mid 1960s. Excellent compilation for any Cuban who wants to remember or, who wants to know how Cuba was back then. I would definitely recommend it to anyone who enjoys taking a look at the past through good quality photos.