Nation Building or Democracy by Other Means
936440
A timely and honest book about war and peace and international relations. You may not agree with all that is presented in this book, but it's certainly worth reading it...
1242129
This book is a bit dated but it has some good material concerning the proper use of power for the purpose of really alleviating poverty and tyranny in the world. The author has a good review comparing where in the world outside military force has been used and superimposing that over a map of where the poorest nations are. The maps are very close. He also outlines that keeping people poor and ignorant is a technique of bad actors for enhancing their own wealth and power. He makes a good case that if the prosperous in the world really want to make a difference, then in some places taking out bad actors is an important first step. There are many ways to do that, not just military force. But the next step is introducing law and order, ending corruption, increasing transparency and removing barriers to free enterprise. Other steps of enhancing education and freedom are important, but need these things to flourish. That requires a long term commitment to security and peace-keeping.
286366
Coup d'Etat uses the interesting conceit of giving advice on a hypothetical coup in order to explain under what conditions a coup can happen and how it is executed.

He starts out with a definition of the coup, pointing out that it generally involves a small group of insiders who seize the levers of authority.  Specifically--"A coup consists of the infiltration of a small but critical segment of the state apparatus, which is then used to displace the government from the control of its remainder."

His preconditions for the coup to be able to take place are that a society have a low level of political engagement--the masses having something of a "Meet the new boss/Same as the old boss" attitude; the country be independent (one that is a puppet state can't be overthrown without the consent of the power pulling the strings), and that is cohesive and centralized enough that seizing the capital will result in control of the country.

The three subsequent chapters address the strategy, planning and execution of the coup d'etat.  One of the more interesting points is how few soldiers may actually be necessary; the rule of thumb being that you only need to recruit, isolate or neutralize the forces that can be in the capital within 12-24 hours of the start of the coup.  The planning part includes an analysis of those government figures who have to be arrested (generally those who have control of an organized force, which interestingly, includes ministers of labor and education (presumably because of possible influence over worker and student organizations).

The book is clear-cut and well written.  The only asterix one would attach to it is that the second, and most recent, edition was published in 1979, so we don't have anything about dealing with the internet, mobile phone networks, etc.  Presumably, a coup plan would have to involve pressure on internet service providers.  With luck, an authoritarian state may have internet control measures in place that could simply be seized.  That doesn't remove the fundamental soundness of the book.
2644032
Toward Democracy by James T. Kloppenberg is a comprehensive history of the thoughts and actions that have helped to form the ever-changing concept of democracy. Democracy is, in Kloppenberg's view, less a political or even a social or economic concept but rather an ethical one, so the changing "definitions" of democracy over the centuries have been influenced by far more than just political theory or political change.

This is not a difficult read, Kloppenberg does a commendable job of discussing many thinkers in terms that are readily understood by those unfamiliar with the philosophers and historians mentioned. He also readily acknowledges that not every writer who ever wrote a word about self-rule is included in this work. He does cover those who had the greatest impact and certainly didn't cover those who did not write about self-rule (Darwin, really?!?!). If one has a narrow view and wants only one definition of democracy to be presented and defended they can ignore the arguments of the book and lament their little strawmen. There are plenty of biased accounts of "what is wrong with" or "how they (depending on the bias present) ruined" democracy. This is a history and, while Kloppenberg clearly states how he views the concept of democracy (an ethical system) he also tries to demonstrate (successfully in my opinion) the various cultural, religious and political conflicts that have served to hinder the advancement of successful equitable self-rule.

This is the type of book that will warrant additional reading beyond one time through. Likely, in my case, it will be a more haphazard reread because it will be a reference book for me and I will be returning to various sections at different times in the future.

I would highly recommend this to anyone wanting to know a history (not "the" history, as he also points out) of democracy and self-rule as it pertains primarily to Europe and North America. The writers go back much further but the period and region of concern is the North Atlantic and from approximately the time of the Reformation. This is both an excellent read as well as a valuable reference.

Reviewed from a copy made available by the publisher via NetGalley.
4059560
I asked one of my teachers at college what books I could read to better understand the relations of power within society. He told me to read N. Elias among a few other authors.

History is often viewed as a chronological record of significant events. Elias views history as interacting processes. He shows how growing interdependence between the members of a society and increased balance of power leads to the democratic societies that many of us enjoy today. Elias illustrates the civilizatory process studying the evolution of manners within the evolution of the feudal system towards the modern state.

What does it take for democracy to work?  One would think that all you need is to get rid of the tyrants. But too often another tyrannical system will replace the former one. The Soviet Union, Cuba; many Asiatic, South American or African countries... It's not as simple as to invade Iraq or Afghanistan and to get rid of the local moguls and dictators and then establish a democratic government. It is social, economical, political,... interdependence within a society that leads to democracy. If I don't need you I don't have to count on you. If you have some power as an individual or as part of a group I will have to consider you.

How would you connect manners, economics and politics? Manners is about taking others into consideration. Economics and politics are also about the relation between people.
1214930
An excellent example of political science research into political behavior. Boulding concludes that NGOs and civil society are more important politically than is generally thought. In developing democracies, NGOs and civil society associations seem to encourage political protest to hold the government into account, especially where electoral means of accountability are weak. These protests are not typically anti-democratic, however. Recommended for social scientists investigating the role of NGOs and civil society and their relationship with political institutions.
507287
Here is a critical (but not flawless) book.  In it, Fareed Zakaria reminds Americans of an idea that was obvious and fundamental to the founders of our nation, but is now anathema to most: That Democracy and freedom are not one and the same, and that too much Democracy can quickly become the enemy of freedom.

That probably sounds strange to most Americans, which is why Zakaria wrote this book.  We've been raised to believe that Democracy is unquestionably good and that more of it is always better.  In reality, that's a pretty new attitude.  At the time of this country's founding, Democracy was viewed very skeptically.  The Founders knew that left unchecked, the majority could be an even worse tyrant than an individual because it would have the illusion of morality on its side.  For that reason, our nation's government was set up as Republic, not a Democracy (think of the Pledge of Allegiance).  A Republic allows the people to choose from pre-screened applicants for leadership roles and then delegates leadership to them.

Zakaria argues that the gradual breakdown of the protections against the Tyranny of the Majority as we've moved further and further towards democratization has had a vast negative effect.  Politicians most focus increasingly on the short-term approval of voters in order to get re-elected and are kept from using their judgment and long-term outlook.

The book is filled with eye-opening insights and makes you aware of problems you may never have considered before.  It is one of those books that has the power to change your outlook on major issues.  That said, it isn't perfect.  Zakaria needs to fully form his ideas just a little more.  He obviously is a fan of the free market in most cases, but then says that too much of the free market can act in the same way as too much democratization (he uses the downfall as the Book of the Month Club as an a example of cultural diminution brought about by too much free market.)  It's an interesting point, but the reader is left wondering where Zakaria thinks the free market is good, and where he thinks it should be cut back.  He needs a clear rule to say, "Use more until "X", then stop."  There are a couple cases where Zakaria seems to want to have his cake and eat it too, and that rarely works out.

None of that stops this book from being a very important read for modern Americans.  I believe Zakaria is striking at the central issue that will determine whether America can retain (or maybe even reclaim) its current and former glory, or whether it will slip off into history.  Zakaria doesn't sound an optimistic note, but at least he's done his part to sound the alarm.  I applaud his efforts.  Read this book and give it to your friends as well.
4613038
I just finished reading Democracy Matters by Dr. Cornel West. I actually got the opportunity to meet Dr. Wset and have him personally sign my book while he was on tour with Tavis Smiley promoting the Covenant in Action book.

As for the book, itself, it really helps deine what democracy is and how we as a nation have not yet reached the point of democracy. As Dr. West puts it we are nihilistic meaning that we are people of being or existence. This is a true statement; he also goes on to say how are judegemental of others. If we are truly a nation that deals with democracy then we would treat our people with respect, etc. Read the book, I think overall anyone who enjoys history, or a decent philosophical read but WITHOUT the use of BIG words then this is a book for you.
533491
Prof. Dueck presents persuasive evidence that the current push to spread liberal democratic ideals to nations having a vital interest to the U.S. follows a long history of foreign policy shaped by a set of beliefs "that the United States should promote, wherever practical and possible, an international system characterized by democratic governments and open markets."

Using as his examples America's role in the world following World War I, World War II, and the Cold War, Dueck shows how, of the many grand foreign policy strategies uniquely available at each of these occassions, the one ultimately chosen followed classical liberal assumptions restricted by domestic cultural forces of limited liability, resulting in the pursuit of highly idealistic and expansive goals with limited means.

Dueck's book arrives propitiously as the U.S., stretched both financially and militarily in its current course of unilaterally spreading democracy abroad and fighting terrorism both abroad and at home, must eventually confront the tenuousness and unsustainability of its choices, while somehow negotiating the economic rise of and competition from China, India, and the European Union.  By Dueck's estimation, we are due for a change in American grand strategy soon, as the current model will lead invariably to the worstening of both the outcomes of our choices and the options for good, future decisions.
2070534
The author of this book identifies three distinct strategies toward imperialism: a) actors fighting over territory, b) actors dividing territory cooperatively, and c) actors refraining from seizing territory. Three historical case studies are used to describe and explain how these distinct strategies arise: the division of Africa at the end of the nineteenth century, the creation of treaties between European governments and the Qing dynasty in China, and the evolution of British imperial policies in India. According the author, authoritarian governments tend to be more likely than democratic governments to seize overseas territory because they do not benefit from free trade. Also, when the target territory has reasonably efficient institutions, democratic governments will be particularly less likely to want to seize that territory and rely instead on working with the existing government (hence refraining from imperialism).
444761
The text of this book is based on a series of lectures delivered by Smith in Jerusalem in May 1999. Although intended to be an analysis of theories of nations and nationalism in recent history and the historiography on this topic, the book also provide a good introduction as any to Smith's vast and important body of work on nations and nationalism. The chapters of this book offer an excellent summary of some of the main streams in contemporary nationalism theory and interesting critiques of them as well. Smith's own theory of the origins of nations is based on what he calls ethnosymbolism. Basically he sees modern nations as having their roots in previously existing ethnicities ("ethnies") and the associated traditions and customs, although he does not strictly adhere to the organic continuity of nations throughout history (a view generally held by nationalists themselves). Also, he emphasizes, quite correctly, the importance of myths, memories and especially symbols and their role in fomenting and maintaining a sense of common identity among the people unified in a nation. This often places him at odds with the major body of theorists who see the nation and nationalism as strictly political instruments or functions of economic change, even though Smith does not refute the validity of such arguments. Smith presents his arguments very clearly here, and this book is well worth reading.
546548
_In the Name of Democracy_ does a good job of explaining what constitutes war crimes (it's not just torture) and setting out the case that the U.S. invasion of Iraq violated international laws.  There's a lot to digest in this book, not all of it pleasant, but I found the discussions of the importance of international law to be useful and not too over-scholarly:  I learned a lot.  The parts toward the end about resisters and how to put a halt to war crimes were interesting and inspiring and provide a more personal connection to a lot of the issues raised in the chapters.  The book ends by looking at the connections between the subversion of international law and the subversion of U.S. law, which should be of interest to anyone who values democracy and liberty.
3167147
An extraordinary and fully revealing source of information on the origins of power, prosperity and poverty in the nations of the world.  It demystifies the causes or reasons why some countries are rich and some are poor. It develops thoroughly the theory of the importance of inclusive political and economic institutions in the development of nations.  The authors support their analysis with historical facts and an ample variety of examples which are very useful in understanding fully the concept of the value of institutional creation in the development of nations.
3428116
Fanon is among the few thinkers who successfully wrote about emerging post-colonial nation-states. Many prefer to delve into the psychological implications of his work but I would rather view it as a warning againt the  new tyranny that has its roots in the national struggle. Indeed, many  nationalist movements became the new proxy for the departing colonial power  thus ignoring the fact that fighters do not by default make good  politicans. The dicourse of national struggle became the harbinger of the  national dictatorship despite the evidence pointing to the outskirts and  villages as being the impetus behind the drive for independence and not the  educated classes as many claimed. I am not claiming that national struggle  is bad but it has to be viewd objectively and its role must therefore end  with independence to allow for genuine restructuring or else a  political  neo-imperialism emerges to replace direct military colonization. In both  cases the winner is the colonizer who has returned in the form of the new  nationl government mainly those who were educated in the West during  colonization.
2307505
I wish we could implement some of these ideas into our government right now. Excellent ideas - it makes sense that we should ALL vote. Don't be manipulated, your voice counts, vote and get involved. Democracy is for all of us, not just some of us. We cannot abdicate our rights, it does not serve us.
1376096
Another great way to particapate in our democracy,as well as a fine fashion statement...we need to encourage each other to vote in anyway we can! Express yourself. Vote!
926461
Jack and Adam Lively have managed to put together a throughly interesting and at the same time enjoyable reader on Democracy in Britian. The most notable feature is the range of texts included: there are texts by philiosophers (Hobbes, Locke...), Politicians (Disrael, Thatcher...) and from debates in parliament as well as Shakespeare, Auden and even Rushdi. Because the authors have NOT only included specialised texts by experts on the constitutions they manage to convey the picture of a living democracy whith all its problems, issues and controversies. I would argue that many of the questions that are dealt with are also important in other countries. In this sense, the book transgresses its original purpose.