Conservative Christians and the election
359630
The polls didn't give Trump much of a chance to become president. Yet he is now what some describe as the most powerful man in the world. How did that happen? Having read a biography about Trump, I was well aware of his character. I was shocked when I found out that Trump won the votes of 81 percent of white evangelicalism. (Loc 1260/2679) How did that happen?

Mansfield has done an excellent job of explaining how Trump was elected and the particular role of the conservative Christians in that accomplishment. He identifies the anger of Christians, feeling that the country they knew was slipping away. They wanted change at almost any cost. Trump won them over by promising to give their country back to them. (Loc 1282/2679) He won over Christian leaders by promising to abolish the Johnson Amendment, the law restricting pastors from speaking openly on political issues or endorsing candidates from the pulpit. (Loc 1314/2679)

Conservative Christians were so desperate for political power and change that they were willing to overlook Trump's lack of experience, his foul language, his bullying business practices, his disrespect and lack of compassion for the marginalized, his lack of familiarity with what it meant to be a Christian, his public boasts of marital infidelity, and his offensive behavior in general. (Loc 92/2679) Mansfield writes that Christian leaders were interested in allying themselves to power at any moral cost. (Loc 241/2679) Other Christians believed God had called and would use an immoral Trump much as God had used an immoral Cyrus in the Old Testament. (Loc 1944/2679)

Mansfield explores the spirituality of Trump and covers the great influence of Norman Vincent Peale in the distant past and Paula White in the recent past. Mansfield is direct on criticizing Trump's claim to be a Christian, noting his lack of knowledge of Christians things and his lack of moral character. (Loc 337/2679)

Mansfield also explains that conservative Christians have now wed themselves to Trump. They are responsible for putting Trump in the White House. They took a risk and now they must reconcile what the Trump administration becomes to what they believe about God and truth. (Loc 1490/2679) Mansfield also writes of the prophetic voice that must come from Christian leaders as Trump will need spiritual counsel.

Those Christian who voted for Trump need to read this book to understand the ramifications of their choice. Those who did not vote for Trump need to read this book to understand how we got to this place in American history.

I received a complimentary egalley of this book from the publisher. My comments are an independent and honest review.
1212583
This is the best book of essays on the subject of war for the Christian that I have come across. It is must reading for all the "right wing" conservative Christians that seem to be mesmerized by the Republican Party and the neo-conservatives.
2304734
Mark Noll wrote this book with the goal of describing how Christian theology gradually became more comfortable using the catchwords and ideas of the American political scene (liberty, freedom, virtue, rights, common sense, reason). Noll shows that even though Calvinist and Arminian and Wesleyan thought may not have radically changed because of American republicanism, the way they were packaged and presented were.

In this book, we begin with the traditional Reformed ideas of Jonathan Edwards. We see how Calvinists in America were quick to side with the colonies in the years leading up to the Revolutionary War. We see how even George Whitefield was somewhat sympathetic toward the colonial cause, though he tended to shy away from preaching politics.

We read of John Wesley's opposition to the American form of government, as he reveals that he has not met one republican who was a good Christian.

We see how Thomas Paine's writings were very influential in promoting reason and common sense, and how this influenced preachers of the faith, such as Timothy Dwight, the new President of Yale, who rumor has it spend six months in 1795 challenging his students to a debate on whether or not the Bible was the Word of God.

We see how Charles Finney incorporated populist American jargon into his revival sermons. We also see his ardent opposition to the American slavery system.

Speaking of slavery, the last 100 pages of the book deals with how people of differings theological persuasions dealt with this divisive issue. Noll seems sorry to report that the pro slavery people did a better job of supporting their view from scripture than the abolitionists did.

Noll also seems ready to blame the Reformed Literal Method of interpreting scripture for influencing people to support the institution of slavery.

There is also an interesting discussion about the theological reflections of Abraham Lincoln. Noll notes that the 16th President of the United States was no evangelical and that he wasn't an active member of any organized church.

In fact, Noll contends that none of the notable founding fathers of the United States were evangelicals.

I recommend this book to history students and those who are interested in the history of Christianity in America. This book is a nice complement to Noll's earlier "History of Christianity in the US and Canada."

But the reason why I give this book 4 stars instead of five is that most of the time, it makes for tedious reading. The sections on the development of Holiness theology after Asbury was engaging, and the section about slavery held my attention as well.

But the bulk of the book is tough, academic reading. You may want to read instead Noll's more accessible book "The Rise of Evangelicalism."

Rev. Marc Axelrod
4263257
Gagnon appears to have left few stones unturned in his analysis of this issue.  He presents the most detailed and thorough exegetical case for the traditional Christian view on homosexuality that I have seen.
Yet what is interesting to me is that Gagnon's methodology is certainly not "conservative," but reflects mainstream, "liberal" historical-critical assumptions in his exegesis of texts.  This is why so thoroughly a liberal scholar as James Barr, who wrote the anti-conservative polemic FUNDAMENTALISM, can nonetheless commend the book despite the "conservative" conclusions that the author reaches.  Thus this is probably the best book for a theological conservative (such as this reviewer) to recommend to any theological "moderate" who is not yet completely decided on this issue. Gagnon is likely to gain a hearing where conservatives will not.
Theological conservatives too may read this work with profit, though they will have to forgive Gagnon's adoption of critical positions on matters of authorship and the like that we would find unacceptable.  Fortunately such matters rarely affect the force of his argumention.
4288713
Balmer, a left-wing evangelical Christian, believes that his religious faith has been "hijacked" by the Religious Right. It seems that being a Christian and being a Republican has become synonymous in the minds of certain people, both within and without the faith.

The first chapter starts off discussing the Religious Rights' two favorite bugaboos--abortion and homosexuality. Jesus said nothing about either in the New Testament, but in the politicized churches of the Religious Right, that's just about all one hears about. What about poverty? What about racism? Oops, the Religious Right did spend a lot of energy trying to maintain Bob Jones University's tax exempt status....In any event, Balmer makes his point clear that abortion, undesirable as it is, is no place for government intervention.

Balmer provides a short history of the Baptist church (many on the religious right self-identify as Baptist). The early Baptist church supported a separation between church and state; this idea ended up getting written into the Bill of Rights. The politicized church of today would be unrecognizable to the early Baptists. It is noted that religion, predominantly various strains of Christianity, has thrived in the United States in this atmosphere of church/state separation. Balmer likens the need of the Religious Right to have symbols of the faith on public property, to Golden Calf-type idolatry.

Although admitting that parents have a right to choose schools for their children, Balmer considers any school situation other than public school potentially antidemocratic. This includes school vouchers, homeschooling, and (to a lesser extent) charter schools. Balmer also describes a "Patrick Henry College" that not only allows young evangelicals to continue their isolation from the world through their college years, but also encourages them to bring their beliefs into the political system (such as becoming a Supreme Court justice....)

Creationism, or Intelligent Design, or whatever they're calling it this week, is not only unscientific, but damages religious faith by requiring it to undergo scientific rigor.

There is one area where the Religious Right is starting to break ranks with the rest of the Republicans, and that is the environment. Evangelicals are moving away from a "dominion" model (let's use everything up) and towards a "stewardship" model (the Earth is the Lord's, and we as Christians are to take care of it).

The book concludes with a list of more Religious Right foibles, and finally, a reminder of what religious people ought to be putting their energies toward (such as abolishing torture, capital punishment, etc. as well as the usual war/racism/poverty stuff that Republicans haven't, in general, seen fit to deal with for one reason or another).

Balmer presents his arguments well. Occasionally, however, some of his personal political viewpoints, beyond what is covered in the book do come rushing out. For example, he seems to advocate vegetarianism to some degree, on page 151 ("not yet dead animal hanging from a slaughterhouse hook") and p. 186. He is a cheerleader for the public schools with all their faults, admonishing the Religious Right not to either modify them (e.g. having any sort of religious presence) or shun them (vouchers, private schools, etc.) On page 135, he gives the example of the radio to try to say that there is no "liberal media"--what about television?

It is interesting to compare this book with _Failing America's Faithful_, by Kathleen Kennedy Townsend. (I reviewed it earlier). Despite the denominational difference (Townsend's a Catholic, Balmer's an Evangelical)  the themes are similar; the Religious Right should not be allowed to monopolize Christianity in America. However, while Townsend advocates a left-wing version of the Religious Right, Balmer emphasizes that religion works best when it stays peripheral to political activities.
1897879
"Secular Americans" need to organize and assert our interests, David Niose says, yet his characterization of the conservative christians whom he sets up as their opponents seems off the mark to me. Conservatives, both religious and secular, operate according to what George Lakoff calls Strict Father Morality (SFM). SFM assumes that we live in a harsh and dangerous world, that men have to assume authority over women and children to protect and discipline them so that they can survive in this world, and that we have to follow moral principles which come close enough to absolute status as not to make any practical difference.

The god beliefs associated with the religious forms of SFM exist independently from these assumptions, though conservative religionists often invoke god's authority for them any way. For example, a secular Strict Father can say that we live in a harsh and dangerous world as a statement of empirical observation, while a religious Strict Father could go further to blame the world's condition on the biblical Fall of Adam and Eve. Yet you don't have to believe in Jewish creation myths to agree with the secular Strict Father's assessment, when you can make the same observations of reality in the here and now.

So what does this have to do with Niose's argument? It comes down to what conservative religionists really want. To the best of my knowledge, no religiously conservative politician has offered tax cuts except to atheists, offered to preserve gun ownership rights except for atheists, or offered to deregulate everyone's businesses except the ones owned by atheists. If these politicians consider us so dangerous, why do they trust us with money, weapons and the freedom to build personal fortunes through commerce?

Instead these politicians and their supporters seem a lot more interested in regulating women's sexuality, mainly by restricting access to abortion and contraception, and by making it harder for single mothers to support their bastard children. It looks as if conservatives, especially the religious ones, really want to defend the interests of society's productive beta males, namely, the majority of men who would make good husbands and fathers except that most women find them boring or sexually yucky compared with a minority of bad boys and cads. The beta male constituency for conservatism considers itself disenfranchised by policies which enable women to marry the state for support, reject beta males as lovers and marriage prospects, and go out to have their fun with the sorts of guys who often wind up in prison. Many beta males recognize that enacting conservative policies would dismantle this system, make women assume more self-control over their hypergamous sexuality or face the consequences, and increase the supply of young women unspoiled by promiscuity, single motherhood and welfare dependency who would make good wives for them.

So if you ignore the religious symbolism used by conservatives and interpret the culture war as a biology-based conflict between male and female reproductive strategies at odds with each other, then you can see that Niose's framing of religious conservatism versus secularity as an ideological struggle misses the point. A Secular American can hold conservative social beliefs based on empirical evidence and pattern-recognition, especially regarding the advantages of patriarchy for both men and women. Niose arbitrarily limits the choices of Secular Americans by assuming that we should all adopt liberal social policies which wind up hurting a lot of men. The failure to recognize this fact may tend to push beta males away from secular life stances and into conservative religions which offer to serve their interests politically.
4085822
This is a book that all who profess to be religious including Christians ,should read. It will make you think the next time you go to vote.
2730594
The church is in desperate need of more people like Russell Moore. The ideas in his book do not fit neatly into the political categories of right/left, Republican/Democrat, but chart a new way forward for Christian political engagement.

His is a kingdom-first approach which situates our earthly citizenship in the context of our heavenly citizenship. In focusing on the kingdom first, Moore articulates a way forward that is neither capitulation to the ever-shifting culture, nor the culture war mentality of previous generations. He welcomes the fall of God-and-country almost-Christianity, and outlines how a genuine, and therefore alien and strange, Christianity will be the light for the future.

Though published before the circus of the 2016 election season began, Moore's work is a valuable road map for Christians who are unsure of the best path forward now, in November, and in the months and years to come.

I encourage you to pick up a copy.
1182920
Got the book in the mail today and read it start to finish literally without putting it down a single time.. EVERYONE THAT CALLS THEMSELVES A CHRISTIAN NEEDS TO READ THIS BOOK BEFORE THE ELECTION!

Christians are perhaps the single largest voting demographic in the United States today but we are unfortunately divided by issues that have nothing to do with the Kingdom of Heaven. Wallnau makes very spiritual (prophetic) but also very logical arguments that Donald Trump is our generation's Cyrus. While reading I could feel God's heart and I knew that this man, Donald Trump, his message, and what has been revealed about him in this book in particular makes Him cry (take a wild guess how I knew that).

Our country is going through major transition. The very foundation upon which we stand is under attack an attack that is only going to intensify in the coming days up until the election. We have already seen vicious character assassination attempts against Trump and even his supporters, we see unprecedented media dishonesty and collusion with the Democratic Party and the White House, we have an unprecedented amount of obstruction into criminal investigations of criminal actors within our country's institutions and as we see, many of our most dangerous criminals are allowed to go free to suit personal political ambitions of our nation's modern version of the aristocracy (The Seven Mountains have been infiltrated from an unfortunately well-coordinated and united enemy), we see multiple reports of election fraud all over the country, and what isn't reported in the media is that other superpowers are preparing for world war if we don't get a president in there that will resolve the dangers in Syria and other sections of the middle east   we have no other option but to unite behind a common message and God's candidate if we are going to save our country; if we are going to retain our country's Constitution, if we are going to retain our country's liberty..

The thing is, I believe even a MINORITY of believers who take this message to heart and begin to intercede in their circles and to stand as an example will be more than enough to assemble enough spiritual ammunition to disorient and defeat the enemy's last-ditch effort. "One could chase a thousand, two could put 10,000 to flight." If a small handful adopt this prophetic declaration and stand united, the enemy falls.

Please prayerfully consider purchasing this book (urgently) and ask the Holy Spirit to enlighten your knowledge and understanding. Our country literally depends on it.
3303026
I am an agnostic Christian. So Lee Harmon begins his short treatise on the differences that divide and powerful agreements that unite liberal and conservative Christianity. I guess I should answer, Im a mongrel Christian, since Im seriously conservative in some things and liberal in others. But perhaps thats the point. The historical Jesus famously refused to be placed in anyones box. And yet we try so hard to place barriers around our beliefs and define whos out, instead of welcoming neighbors in.

The River of Life starts with Heaven and Hell  the end placed at the beginning because the middle is where we live. We can argue and disagree as much as we like about eternitys nature. But none of us has been there. And the Bible really doesnt give a lot of detail. The author will certainly intrigue his readers though, as he looks at what detail there is.

This short book convincingly reveals how theological disagreement is so often based on interpretation. The author backs his arguments up with ample scriptural quotes and historical research, inviting the reader merely to think, not to agree or disagree. Shall we wait for, and predict, and imagine Christs second coming, or shall we act on the faith that hes already here in our hearts? Shall we look for a kingdom up in the sky, or the kingdom within us instead? Shall we wait for the thousand year rule, or let God reign over us now?

Equally well-researched when comparing Gospel accounts or retelling history, The River of Life does indeed offer a meeting point for followers of Jesus and believers in God. While I don't agree with all of the authors beliefs or interpretations, I do share his evident love and respect for scripture, I support his emphasis on the present day, and I share his concern for which of us would face Christs wrath if He were to return today. Will we sinners eat at table together with the Lord, believers, agnostics, liberals, conservatives all? Then will we equally get up and work together, washed by the living water flowing from His side?

Disclosure: The author gave me a free copy as Id enjoyed his earlier books. I offer my honest review.
750541
Ralph Reed is one of my favorite people in the Washington Beltline and Christian community. This book storyline impressively blends faith and fiction in a political context. Members and followers of the major political parties will find intelligent and stimulating new thinking in the way this novel places political victory and defeat in the context of spiritual growth. The book reminds me of the great Peter Marahall who led us to consider the spiritual side of politics in his work as Chaplain of the US Senate.
1167918
I love to read about Christian theology, and I love trivia. So of course I had to get this book. For the most part, this book satisfied both cravings. I learned more about Bible places and personalities, sayings and history, than I thought possible in one book.
That said, I found the book biased to some degree to the conservative view (though give Lang credit for noting that the Bible is not a science book.) For example, in talking about Campbell and the Campbellites, he seemed to favor the conservative offshoot, the Churches of Christ, over the more liberal Disciples of Christ. I've been in the Churches of Christ and am now a member of the Disciples of Christ, and having seen both sides, I'd argue that the DOC follows more closely the spirit of first century Christian worship, contrary to Lang's opinion (which he shoud have stated as such. More disturbing, under the heading of "excommunication," he uses the passage in Matthew 18:15-17 to justify shunning the unrepentant, that we are to treat them as "a Gentile and a tax collector." But as a Christian mediator once pointed out, Jesus treated tax collectors and Gentiles as humans worthy of his love, even to the point of eating with them. Wonder if Lang had thought of that interpretation? So bottom line, read it for the facts, but if your views are more liberal, you might find Lang's views a little hard to swallow.
4346375
An excellent read for those seeking a better understanding of the political right. In addition, a good resource for those interested in understanding christian fundamentalism in America.
3236292
This is probably a book best enjoyed by people who have connections to Christian communities or have an understanding of them. However, if anyone wants a glimpse into the world of conservative evangelical Christianity, this is an excellent example of what it looks like. It's also a good read for straight Christians who want to understand what it's like to be LGBTQ within those conservative spaces.

It's hard to categorize my own feelings after reading this. At times, it was so familiar as to be painful. Because this is set in the UK and I'm in the US, I spotted some distinct cultural differences, particularly with the university system. However, every last detail about the Christian Fellowship group was achingly familiar, right down to the lingo, the statement of belief, and the narrowly specific teachings. It was enough that I cringed with apology for Americans having exported this brand of faith.

This is not a fast-paced story. It's a slow-bloom both regarding Lydia's expanding definition of what it means to be a Christian and her romance with Colette. I was both surprised and yet not at the way the faith-based politics played out in the story as well as Lydia's role in it all. Once again, it felt horribly familiar. Yet there was comfort in the realization that we who have been through similar things are not alone.

One thing I particularly liked was seeing the characters struggling to make sense of Lydia's orientation but seen from her perspective. A lot of Christian novels on LGBTQ issues are about Christians trying to figure out what to do with their gay friends and family, but they aren't told in the words and thoughts of the gay person themselves. It was a good change of pace watching it happen from inside, from Lydia's point of view, and seeing the different reactions in contrast with each other.

This is an ideal read for anyone trying to make sense of Christian faith and being LGBTQ or being friends and family of LGBTQ people. The characters and setting feel real, and it's so well-written with rich detail. It could be difficult for some readers to revisit a painful past, but others will find a kinship with Lydia and her group of friends.

I received a free copy via Inked Rainbow in exchange for an honest review.
3467734
Randal Balmer writes as one who has a love/hate relationship with evangelicalism.  He loves the passion for the gospel, and loves the history of the evangelical movement.  However he is greatly troubled by the rise of the religious right, their abandonment of traditional evangelical values and their claim to speak for the Christian community.  This book is a needed corrective.

Balmer first examines the nature of evangelicalism and its history, showing that it has not always been in bed with the republican party.  He shows how evangelicalism shifted to the Republican Party during the Carter Administration, and tells tales from the inside about how the focus shifted from the attack on the evangelical subculture due to government tring to revoke the tax emempt status of Bob Jones University, to abortion, simply seeking to find an issue the movement leaders could coalesce around.  He examines the retreat of Baptists from their traditional position (best stated by Roger Williams and John Leland) in favor of seperation of church and state to a community that is a wholly owned subsidiary of the Republican Party.

Balmer writes as an endangered species-an evangelical who is socially/politically liberal because he takes scripture seriouslly. He attacks the selective literalism of the religous right and calls us to take the call of scripture to do justice, love mercy and walk humbly with God seriously.

Advice-read with an awareness of where you are in the hermaneutic circle and this can be a quite useful book.  It places Balmer in the company of Jim Wallis (God's Politics) as an important voice of the christian left.
3450116
When it comes to politics and the church, you usually see one of two extremes. You see one church that is engaging to politics where the pastor addresses voting for a certain candidate and making sure the right policies get voted one. The other extreme is one church that just withdraws from the political landscape. They have nothing to do with politics which also includes their discussions with one another.

 While the church is a holy nation unto God itself (1 Peter 2:9) that does not mean we should not care about the politics of a nation especially here in the United States of America. It also means we can be faithful Christians as we engage politics whether by how we vote or express our political view. Jonathan Leeman's new book, How The Nations Rage: Rethinking Faith and Politics in a Divided Age, is a perfect book for such a time as this as we continue to see heated political discussions inside and outside the church.

 Leeman wrote that while the political landscape of our country has changed for the past few years, the church has not. We still worship the same Savior and still have the same citizenship even though the nation we live might see us as a blemish in society. The church is still committed to be law abiding citizens as long as it does not conflict with God's Word.

 Leeman goes on to say that we must invest our political hopes in the church above all. Does that means the church takes over the culture at large? What Leeman is saying is what Scripture says about our true citizenship. All who are in Christ are citizens of heaven, God's kingdom. We are ambassadors to the people in every nation we live and each church is an embassy representing the Kingdom. We are sojourners and exiles on earth and waiting for a Savior to appear to take us home. When we become a believer the most important thing about us is not our gender or race, but our union with Christ. Leeman goes on to say that our baptism testifies that we are united with Christ and we should represent Christ's "righteousness, justice, and love everywhere we go."

 The rest of the book is a reminder of what the church is to be in the culture. Yes, we should be involved in politics and not put our head in the sand. The church is called to represent the Kingdom, as mentioned above, regardless of what nation we live in. There is nothing wrong with being patriotic in the nation we live in, but we should be patriotic for the Kingdom because in the end, that is where our citizenship truly lies.

 Every year there are books that every Christian must read because it covers the difficult cultural issues of our day. How The Nations Rage is a book the most important book Christians need to read this year.
2284226
This book is a mixture of sociology, Christianity, and politics. Samuel Rodriguez and Dr. Robert Crosby are the authors of this book. They combine these genres in this book as it address issues confronting the current events involving the Christian Church. Rodriguez and Crosby begin allow Robert Morris to start out with a Forward. Both authors begin with their own Introduction. They then spread out their content in three parts and 12 chapters. Each chapter ends with questions for reflection and perspective. Rodriguez and Crosby end with a Conclusion and an Appendix dealing with racial concerns from communities of color. They end with Acknowledgments, Notes, and Resources. Rodriguez is the President of the National Hispanic Christian Leadership Conference. It is the largest Hispanic Christian organization. Crosby is a pastor, conference speaker, and co-founder of Teaming Life. He has pastored multiethnic churches in New York, Boston, and Tampa.

This is an informative and eye-opening book. I never knew before about the specifics of the influence of those of Hispanic origin, in regards to the church. I have always deplored the lack of diversity in the congregations I have belong to. And the current congregation I'm in is no different. And when he cited stats about how many Hispanics really voted for Trump in the 2016 election, I was rather surprised. I always knew that Cuban-Americans support the Republican party. And I was surprised that Hispanic Evangelicals, like Caucasian Evangelicals, vote conservative based solely on abortion. Many would call the authors "holy rollers" because of their strong support for Charismatic experience, specifically speaking in tongues. The book makes me feel how much I have missed by the kind of heavily liturgical congregations I have always known. I'm disappointed that the authors say nothing about poor Caucasians, and that they face many of the hardships faced by poor African-Americans and poor Hispanics. And it seems like they lump all Caucasians as entitled, racist, and subconsciously feeling superior to non-Caucasians. But I agreed with many of their conclusions. And I know that many of us, me included, can use much more "passion" in our devotional and worship experience.

I recommend this book for all pastors and spiritual leaders. I especially recommend it for Caucasian and African-American pastors and spiritual leaders. And I recommend it for more seasoned believers. I would like to see many of those I attend worship with, read it. While it contains many good suggestions, they aren't easy or comfortable to put into practice. This is like "Christian sociology."

I have received a complimentary Advance Review Copy of this book. I received it from BLOGGINGFORBOOKS. It is an uncorrected proof of what will be in final product. I received it in exchange for y honest review of this book. I wasn't required to give a positive review of this book. You are advised to check this review against the final copy of the book.