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|Microsoft Office System
As more and more computers come standard with a CD-ROM drive, burning your data onto a CD makes sense and is replacing floppy disks as the removable media people use to create backup copies and to share files with other people. For example, you might want to burn a CD to preserve the digital photographs you took on vacation instead of taking up precious space on your hard drive. Or you might want to keep a digital record of your house inventory on a CD and store that CD in a safety deposit box. The reasons for putting your data on a CD are endless.
Important Microsoft Windows 2000 does not have built-in CD-burning capability. This procedure applies only to Microsoft Windows® XP, which provides basic CD-burning capability. For additional functionality, you can use CD-burning programs available from third-party software vendors. For more information on these products, visit the Windows XP Catalog, click the Software tab, point to Utilities, and then click CD-ROM.
Copy files and folders to a CD
- Insert a blank, writable CD into the CD recorder. Use one of the following:
- Recordable compact disc (CD-R)
- Rewritable compact disc (CD-RW)
With rewritable CDs, you can copy data to and erase data from the CD multiple times.
- Click Start, and then click My Computer.
- Click the files or folders that you want to copy to the CD.
In the Copy Items dialog box, click the CD recording drive, and then click Copy.
In My Computer, double-click the CD recording drive. Windows displays a temporary area where the files are located before they are copied to the CD. Verify that the files and folders that you intend to copy to the CD appear under Files Ready to be Written to the CD.
Under CD Writing Tasks, click Write these files to CD. Windows displays the CD Writing Wizard. Follow the instructions in the wizard.
- To select more than one file, hold down the CTRL key while you click the files you want. Then, under File and Folder Tasks, click Copy this file, Copy this folder, or Copy the selected items.
- If the files are located in My Pictures, under Picture Tasks, click Copy to CD or Copy all items to CD, and then go to Step 5.
- Do not try to copy more files to the CD than it will hold. Check the CD packaging to see the capacity of each CD. For files too large to fit on a CD, you can copy files to a recordable DVD (DVD-R or DVD+R) or rewritable DVD (DVD-RW or DVD+RW). However, Windows XP does not support copying to a DVD, so you have to use DVD authoring software.
- Make sure that you have enough disk space on your hard disk to store the temporary files that are created during the CD-writing process. For a standard CD, Windows reserves up to 700 megabytes (MB) of the available free space. For a high-capacity CD, Windows reserves up to 1 gigabyte (GB) of the available free space.
- After you copy files or folders to the CD, you can view the CD to confirm that the files have been copied.
|
<urn:uuid:a074ead4-25f3-4f29-89b4-4af7bb8d087c>
|
CC-MAIN-2013-20
|
http://office.microsoft.com/en-us/help/copy-files-to-a-cd-HA001126699.aspx
|
2013-06-18T22:58:10Z
|
s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368707435344/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516123035-00013-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz
|
en
| 0.884418 | 674 |
Yes, the CulturePlex Lab has made it all the way to Japan!!
From October 20 to October 22, Dr. Juan Luis Suarez and Dr. Fernando Sancho Caparrini will be participating in The Second International Conference on Culture and Computing that is taking place at the Kyoto University in Japan.
The paper presented reflects the results of a multi- disciplinary collaboration in Digital Humanities that focuses on the multi-scale analysis of the network of Baroque paintings in the territories of the Hispanic Monarchy from the 16th through the 18th centuries. The paper applies graph analysis and visualizations as well as natural language analysis over a database of over 11,000 artworks in order to address three types of questions related, respectively, to the formation and sustainability of large cultures, the semantic content of the network we analyze, and the role of art as an institution that contributes to sustain large-scale societies. The results also help to design a methodology that can be exported to other projects in Digital Humanities.
And if being in Japan was not exciting enough, we just got word that their paper was chosen as a finalist for best paper at the Conference. This has certainly turned out to be a great trip for the CulturePlex team. Congratulations, or as they say in the language of your hosting country: omedetou!
You can also keep up with their adventures in Japan by reading Dr. Suarez’ blog.
Best of luck with the presentation and yes, we hope you are the winning paper!!!
|
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CC-MAIN-2013-20
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http://official.blogs.cultureplex.ca/2011/10/21/with-great-news-from-japan/
|
2013-06-18T22:57:34Z
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|
en
| 0.957229 | 306 |
You forgot that one part *immediately after* where I said:You claim "For complete strangers, it's one thing; I can decide their opinions are irrelevant and tell them to fuck off. But if it's someone I like/respect, or if it's a common view in a place where I'm otherwise comfortable hanging out, it's difficult to keep listening to"... I doubt that the people you debate with here at the BBS, or the people you screencap and post on FB are people you like/respect
I like hanging out here, because it's one of the first forums I really started posting in regularly back in 2008, and I know a lot of the people here on FB and elsewhere. And yet, I've noticed we seem to get a lot of libertarian assholes who think every crime is punishable by death or life imprisonment, or who think that right to property is more important than right to life. I used to just kind of ignore them (in fact, I never posted in politics until a year or so after I started posting here), just because I wanted to avoid ruffling any feathers. The same goes for the FB groups I frequent --- at first I would just hang around and offer my occasional meager comment, but after seeing mountains of stupid people making indefensible/racist/sexist/religiously-bigoted comments, I just get tired of hearing it.But if it's someone I like/respect, or if it's a common view in a place where I'm otherwise comfortable hanging out
I feel more that an overwhelming majority of our political discussions are founded on you fundamentally misunderstanding what I'm saying. I can't count the number of times you've left a political comment on something I wrote that seemed to completely miss the point/not get the joke, and I had to explain what I really meant by it -- like one time I posted this political joke about foodservice workers not taking unpaid sick leave because they need the money (and it had the caption, "oh, look, our food is here!"), and you went on this rant about how people can take off sick if they want, when the point was that they don't get paid for taking off sick (and that their wages aren't very high to begin with). I really don't mean to be condescending, but sometimes I just feel like you're missing a really obvious point. Before I learned you were an English teacher, I used to wonder if there was some language barrier that I wasn't considering, that was making my comments harder for you to understand.but I often stay out of conversations with you and have taken to avoid responding when I disagree, BECAUSE you get incredibly condescending and "I'm right; you're wrong" about it. You complain about other people trying to be superior, but that's in fact the same thing you do.
Anyway, when discussing issues that are a matter of factual basis, someone is right and someone is wrong. I don't see anything condescending or arrogant about pointing that out. A lot of people I know seem to have this fundamental issue with facts existing, and with knowledge being affirmable; if someone says, "I don't believe in biological science," for instance, and I say, "well, you're wrong, because the only reason I'm alive today is because biological science works and is a legitimate field," would that be condescending? Or should I take care to consider his or her feelings and make sure they don't feel invalidated by the fact that they are wrong?
I mean, if it's a really minor issue, I can understanding feeling overwhelmed if someone's being overly aggressive about it. But when we're discussing factual matters, how is it "condescending" to just state facts?
Well technically, my goal is (as I said):If what you're saying is true - that you don't like talking about politics - then basically your entire goal in getting into these long-winded debates is to prove other people wrong and you right, which is kind of obnoxious and very arrogant.
Maybe it's just because I live in an IRL environment where, everywhere I go, everyone I meet (with a few very rare exceptions) is in complete opposition with everything I believe about everything --- the population of my neighborhood, my city, and my general area is very anti-science, anti-woman, pro-religion, pro-gun, Republican/libertarian, "the civil war ain't over yet, it's just half time" type of people. And so I've gotten very good at hiding my opinions about things, and I only really bring them up IRL if I feel like I'm being pushed into a corner, or someone is just really not letting it go. But every now and then, I just get this feeling like I am the only person in this entire state that is not a gun-toting, government-hating, science-denying asshole, and so I guess there's this hope deep down that, if I put this idiot in his/her place, then someone will see it and think, "hey, there are other people like me! I'm not crazy!"and so I say things and ask questions in a precise, incisive manner --- not to change his/her mind or persuade him/her of my position, but to demonstrate to the world what a fucking nimrod they are, and how baseless their righteous self-confidence is.
|
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http://offspring.com/community/showthread.php?48845-I-Have-A-Confession-To-Make&p=1493610
|
2013-06-18T22:38:46Z
|
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|
en
| 0.981841 | 1,116 |
MORRISTOWN Valerie Harman has been hired as code enforcement officer for the town and village of Morristown, filling the vacancy left by Lanetta Kay Daviss resignation last fall.
Timothy C. Tuttle, Oswegatchie code enforcement officer, filled in from Nov. 5 until Mrs. Harman took over Jan. 14.
Mrs. Harman is a veteran code enforcement officer.
After serving as a code enforcement officer for 10 years in Floridas Putnam County, she moved to Rossie last spring with her husband to be closer to his family.
I wanted to get back in code enforcement, Mrs. Harman said. When this job became available, I applied.
Mrs. Harman said she also worked with Mrs. Davis, who helped her get certified in code enforcement in New York because her Florida license wasnt enough.
Mrs. Harman is starting out at 30 hours a week and will be paid about $27,000 a year.
I dont do this for the money, she said. I do this because this is what I know. I want to feel like I am contributing to the community.
Mrs. Harman will have office hours from 8 a.m. to 4 p.m. Monday through Thursday and 8 a.m. to noon Friday at the Town Hall.
|
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|
http://ogd.com/article/20130215/NEWS05/702159834
|
2013-06-18T22:47:26Z
|
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|
en
| 0.975347 | 275 |
| 34 results for "forecasts"|
| London Evening Standard - The mobile site of London Evening Standard featuring news headlines,travel updates,weather forecasts and listings on film,restaurant,theater,music and comedy.|
Weather Reports - Detail weather reports and forecasts for global locations on your mobile
Wind Finder - Wind,wave and weather reports and forecasts
EuroMETEO - Weather forecasts for Europe and Mediterranean.
J2Ski - Snow reports,skiing conditions and mountain weather forecasts for European countries.
|
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http://oh.dirlink.mobi/forecasts,search.php
|
2013-06-18T22:31:28Z
|
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|
en
| 0.712796 | 107 |
Back to the previous page
Artist: Random & K-Murdock f/ MC Lars
Album: Forever Famicom DLC
Song: Nerdcore Died?
Typed by: OHHLA Webmaster DJ Flash
"Neo... SONIC, SONIC..."
Yeah I said it, nerdcore died
Blogged in a line and they all asked why
Now I'm the bad guy cause all I did was try
to start a dialogue on just what went awry
Stop whining~! You've gotta learn the basics
Your album was a trainwreck, I know it's hard to face it
Basically, you debased the scene
Chased a little dream and you called me mean
when all I did was call the jumper's time of death
Gave props to some rappers that I thought were the best
but you didn't make the list - you felt dissed!
Wrote some simple rhymes that you said I dismissed
You 8-bit beast, I end the stagnation
All about your X-Box and your PlayStation
... Feeling it, I'm not
Your CD wasn't hot, I guess you had your shot!
I know a lot of rappers who make full claim
to be deep in the game but they secretly lame
And when I hear they records I start laughin it up
And I wanna tell 'em, "Please stop rappin - you suck!"
But I don't - cause who am I to crush a dream?
Because I love hip-hop, I got love for the scene
But the fact is that many artists rarely try they hardest
So they don't spend the dough to make productions clean
I rapped on beats that were game related
To my surprise, half of the game related
The other half all became angry haters
who were mad at Mega Ran cause they ain't create it
We all had an NES and hummed all the tunes
But good music ain't usually done in your room
So do your thing dawgs, but don't get sore
cause I don't hang around your forum much any more
Cause I don't have time for a message board beef
I'd rather play games though and listen to the beats
Or make good music that folks wanna listen to
Don't get it mixed up, Random ain't dissin you
Not that I'm too big to hang out again wit'chu
Represent yourself in a manner that's offic-ial
Think of who you listen to, imitate, then innovate
Come original, then I get at you
Is nerdcore dope? Is nerdcore whack?
Is nerdcore fiction? Is nerdcore fact? (You tell me)
Is nerdcore amateur? Is nerdcore broke?
Should nerdcore stay or should nerdcore go? (You tell me)
Is nerdcore real? Is nerdcore fake?
Is nerdcore lover or does nerdcore hate? (Tell me)
Does nerdcore matter? Is nerdcore proven?
Is nerdcore winnin? Is nerdcore losin? (You tell me)
I got love for the kids with the laptops
Up in the lab making crunkcore rap rock
Writing the rhymes just to spray flowin non-stop
Putting a name to the styles in a headlock
I got love for the kids with their labels
Making those beats with their Technic turntables
Flippin the script like a dope Aesop fable
Killin the tracks just like Cain he slayed Abel
Look - all I want to see is amazing art
Invest your heart, and play your part
Perfect your craft and straight do you
If you don't do you then who's going to?
Just push it, push it, make it awesome
Build those concepts get it poppin
There's no stoppin you when your voice
makes the world go WHAT like your name was James Joyce
I made the same choice, back when I was young
Tried to make beats on my 3S1
Made a pact to keep it true and BS none
Wrote raps on the stoop, look how far we've come
Success is a journey, not a destination
So thank God I was blessed with patience
I never been down with this type cash nonsense
Non-conscience, what are your unconscious?
I showed you how to plot a career
How to astonish your peers and then I ride on some ears
So take that backpack nerd rap label off Random
and slap it on a bottle of beer, you hear?
It's impossible to categorize me
Can't say that anything that's happened suprise me
They still ain't figurin it out, sittin in the house
Clickin on they mouse, just bickering about nerdcore
|
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|
CC-MAIN-2013-20
|
http://ohhla.com/anonymous/random/famicom/nerdcore.ran.txt
|
2013-06-18T22:45:17Z
|
s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368707435344/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516123035-00013-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz
|
en
| 0.938068 | 1,005 |
Keep in touch with his career:
Archive for November, 2010
This EP was originally available with proof of purchase of the new “1982″ album but they are releasing the EP free to the fans.
Marquis “Lil Marv” Frazier was born Cleveland in 1993. He began rhyming with the group M.A.P. (Money Aint a Problem) but later quit to become solo. He just finished his new mixtape, “Swagger Season,” which was featured on LiveMixtapes, Coast2Coast DJ’s Website, and several other blogs. Marv is currently working hard on music and plans to finish his new mixtape “The Road To The Top” in late 2010. Keep your eyes and ears open for Lil Marv in 2011.
Tags: Bun B, Chuck Inglish, cleveland, Freddie Gibbs, Oil Money, Trill
Chip on a crazy ass collab with Freddie Gibbs, Bun B and more.
Tags: columbus hip hop, dope, Hip Hop, mixtape, philly p
Check out this dope mixtape out of Columbus.
Tags: Big PI, Hip Hop, Music video, new video, ohio hip hop, swag, Toledo, toledo hip hop
New Music Video out of Toledo
I had the pleasure of meeting ms. Maclyn earlier this year and have been working with her DJ, DJ Ruckkus, for years. I’m so excited to see what she’ll be doing in the near/extended future.
DJs, get at me for instrumentals.
For booking/mgmt contact: [email protected]
So who has 4 Ohio Hip Hop Awards in 4 separate categories, A new Album that got a 4 out of 5 rating in XXL and Urb magazine, and tours with a midget stripper?
You guessed it, Columbus’s own Copywrite!
Check out his new music videos “Tic Toc” and “Shotgun”
Told you I wasnt joking about Kat, his midget adult entertainer.
You can purchase his album off Itunes Here
Also check out http://www.copywriteworld.com
Tags: Dem Ohio Boyz
2010 OHHA winners for Best New Group, Dem Ohio Boyz drops another single off of their forthcoming project, “Money Loud, Hoes”.
|
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CC-MAIN-2013-20
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http://ohiohiphopblog.com/2010/11/
|
2013-06-18T22:39:00Z
|
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|
en
| 0.937442 | 516 |
Susan C. Jones, Ph.D.
Assistant Professor of Entomology
Extension Specialist, Household & Structural Pests
Yellow Sac Spider
|Common Name||Scientific Name|
|sac spiders||Cheiracanthium spp.
Several species of sac spiders are suspected of being responsible for most indoor spider bites to humans. These sac spiders include Cheiracanthium inclusum, C. mildei, and Trachelas tranquillus. All have been reported from Ohio. Sac spiders are a concern not only because they commonly enter homes when actively hunting for insect prey, but also because of the bites attributed to them. As with most spiders, sac spiders typically do not bite unless they are trapped against the skin or provoked. Because sac spiders are nocturnal, bites are most likely to occur at night. Sac spiders are among the few medically important spiders in the United States. The vast majority of spiders are harmless to humans (see HYG-2060).
Sac spider venom is cytotoxic, causing tissues at the bite site to die (necrosis). Recluse spider venom also is cytotoxic; hence many victims, even doctors, mistakenly believe a brown recluse spider (see HYG-2061) is responsible for some bites. However, sac spider venom is not very toxic to humans. The bite of a sac spider rarely causes severe necrosis or a large, open wound.
C. inclusum and C. mildei are both commonly called yellow sac spiders; they are light yellow to pale yellowish green, sometimes with a orange-brown stripe on top of the abdomen. The cephalothorax (fused head and thorax) of T. tranquillus is orange brown to reddish and the abdomen is pale yellow to light gray.
An adult female sac spider’s body typically is 1/4- to 3/8-inch long, and her leg span is up to 1 inch. Males are more slender, with a slightly larger leg span. The first pair of legs is longer than the fourth. These spiders have eight similarly-sized dark eyes arranged in two horizontal rows.
Cheiracanthium spp. are thought to overwinter as juveniles and molt into the adult stage during late spring. In June and July, the female lays her eggs in a loose mass and covers them with a thin, white silk sac. She conceals the egg sac under leaves, stones, etc. outdoors. However, indoors, she keeps it in a silken retreat in crevices and upper corners. The female guards the egg sac until the eggs hatch. T. tranquillus lays eggs in the autumn in the New England states, and the spiderlings probably emerge from the egg sac during the following spring.
Sac spiders construct a silken tube or sac in a protected area, such as within a leaf, under landscape timbers or logs, or at the junction of a wall and ceiling, and they use this sac as their daytime retreat. This is how the spider derives its common name, sac spider. These spiders do not build webs.
Sac spiders are active hunters, emerging at twilight from their silken sac to seek out prey. Outdoors, they often search among foliage, waving their first pair of legs in front of them as they rapidly climb among leaves and stems of plants. Because of their active searching habits, sac spiders often enter homes, particularly during early autumn when their food supply decreases. Indoors, they are commonly seen at night running on walls and ceilings, but dropping to the floor to seek cover when disturbed. Sac spiders may construct their daytime silken retreat in any room in a structure, but most often in an upper corner or at a ceiling-wall junction. In crawl spaces, these retreats are commonly found where joists and band boards meet the subflooring.
Initially, the bite of a sac spider may result in sharp pain, although some persons do not experience any pain. The bite seldom results in more than localized redness, a brief (30-60 minutes) burning sensation, and slight swelling at the site of the bite for a day or two. Usually the reaction to a sac spider bite is mild and is no more severe than a bee sting. As with bee venom, though, some individuals have more severe physiological reactions than others. Such individuals may experience general systemic reactions that include fever, malaise, stomach cramps, and nausea. In extreme cases, some develop an ulcerated lesion at the site of the bite. This ulceration normally heals itself within several weeks.
If bitten, remain calm. Use hydrogen peroxide to clean the bite area, then apply an antiseptic such as iodine to help prevent secondary infection. Apply an ice pack directly to the bite area to relieve swelling and pain. Seek immediate medical attention if systemic symptoms occur (contact your physician, hospital and/or poison control center).
Collect the spider (even a mangled specimen has diagnostic value), if possible, for positive identification by a spider expert. A plastic bag, small jar, or pill vial is useful and no preservative is necessary, but rubbing alcohol helps to preserve the spider.
Control of sac spiders is best achieved by following an integrated pest management (IPM) approach that involves multiple tactics, such as preventive measures, exclusion, sanitation, and chemicals applied to targeted sites.
IPM requires a thorough inspection of the building to locate the pest and its harborages. This spider can be readily located indoors during the daytime because its silken retreat typically is positioned in upper corners and along the juncture of the ceiling and wall. The spider will emerge when its silk retreat is gently poked with a pencil or similar object. It then can be captured and identified.
There are many labeled pesticides for spider control. Some are labeled for homeowner use, while others are labeled only for the licensed, certified pesticide applicator.
Individual exposed spiders can be killed with a nonresidual aerosol spray, but any egg sacs will be unaffected. It generally is best to use a vacuum cleaner so that the egg sac within the silken retreat is removed from the premises.
A wettable powder or microencapsulated “slow-release” formulation of a residual insecticide can be applied to corners, behind and under furniture, behind stored items, etc. to control active hunting spiders. This approach also is useful to prevent establishment of new spiders. Aerosol flushing agents and insecticide foggers containing pyrethrins, though ineffective by themselves in providing long-term control, can cause spiders to move about so that they contact treated surfaces.
Residual liquid sprays can be applied to the outside perimeter of the home, but control is often achieved secondarily in such cases because the sprays eliminate the sac spiders’ prey, thereby reducing the number of spiders.
Click here for PDF version of this Fact Sheet.
Any opinions, findings, conclusions, or recommendations expressed in this publication are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the view of the U.S. Department of Agriculture
All educational programs conducted by Ohio State University Extension are available to clientele on a nondiscriminatory basis without regard to race, color, creed, religion, sexual orientation, national origin, gender, age, disability or Vietnam-era veteran status.
Keith L. Smith, Associate Vice President for Ag. Adm. and Director, OSU Extension.
TDD No. 800-589-8292 (Ohio only) or 614-292-1868
|
<urn:uuid:52bff291-fbf9-4515-affc-131b10df7d74>
|
CC-MAIN-2013-20
|
http://ohioline.osu.edu/hyg-fact/2000/2060A.html
|
2013-06-18T22:51:49Z
|
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|
en
| 0.929173 | 1,553 |
November 5, 2012
Watkins reflects on junior season
Galion (Ohio) junior athlete Dareian Watkins saw his junior season come to a close on Friday night. He talks about his season and his plans moving forward.
...More... To continue reading this article you must be a member. Sign Up Now for a FREE Trial
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CC-MAIN-2013-20
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http://ohiostate.rivals.com/barrier_noentry.asp?ReturnTo=&script=content.asp&cid=1431850&fid=&tid=&mid=&rid=
|
2013-06-18T22:44:35Z
|
s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368707435344/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516123035-00013-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz
|
en
| 0.968181 | 68 |
Latest Team Rankings
Free Text Alerts
|ShopMobileRadio RSSRivals.com Yahoo! Sports|
|College Teams||High Schools|
January 28, 2011CHAT: Pac-12 recruiting chat transcript
The UCLA Bruins are in trouble with only eight commits just days away from National Signing Day. Can coach Rick Neuheisel convince some prospects that things are being turned around after a 4-8 season?
We break down the conference in a special edition of the Pac-12 Blitz.
Ohio State NEWS
|
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|
CC-MAIN-2013-20
|
http://ohiostate.rivals.com/content.asp?CID=1182134
|
2013-06-18T22:25:12Z
|
s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368707435344/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516123035-00013-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz
|
en
| 0.867835 | 107 |
The Office of the Inspector General (OIG) for the Social Security Administration (SSA) recently released its Office of Audit Work Plan for Fiscal Year 2012. The plan is available here.
The plan identifies the major management and performance challenges facing SSA and describes more than 130 reviews that the OIG’s Office of Audit intends to begin in Fiscal Year 2012. The plan also serves as a tool for communicating OIG’s priorities to SSA, Congress, the Office of Management and Budget, and other interested parties.
For Fiscal Year 2012, OIG identified the following SSA management challenges:
Strengthen Strategic and Tactical Planning
Improve Customer Service
Improve the Timeliness and Quality of the Disability Process
Improve Transparency and Accountability
Invest in Information Technology Infrastructure to Support Current and Future Workloads
Reduce Improper Payments and Increase Overpayment Recoveries
Reduce the Hearings Backlog and Prevent its Recurrence
Strengthen the Integrity and Protection of the Social Security Number
For example, OIG’s Office of Audit plans to begin 47 reviews in Fiscal Year 2012 related to the management challenge, “Reduce Improper Payments and Increase Overpayment Recoveries.”
“SSA is responsible for issuing $700 billion in benefit payments annually to about 60 million people. Given the amount involved, even the slightest error in the overall payment process can result in millions of dollars in overpayments or underpayments,” the plan states.
The SSA Office of the Inspector General is directly responsible for promoting economy, efficiency, and effectiveness in the administration of SSA programs and operations, and for preventing and detecting fraud, waste, abuse, and mismanagement in such programs and operations. OIG accomplishes this through a comprehensive program of audits, evaluations, and investigations related to SSA’s programs and operations.
For more information, please contact Jonathan Lasher, OIG’s Assistant Inspector General for External Relations, at (410) 965-2671.
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Nine decades after women earned the right to vote, it’s unfortunate that “Bridesmaids” is being hailed as something revolutionary, as if the better half has never been funny onscreen before.
I’m guessing not many saw 2010’s Tiny Furniture,
an imperfect but smart and charming comedy that burst Lena Dunham, its
star/writer/director, onto the indie-feature scene. On its strength and
reception, Dunham scored a series deal at HBO with none other than Judd
Apatow (Bridesmaids) producing.
The result, Girls, debuts at 9:30 p.m. Sunday on HBO. It may deal with the lives of four unmarried, 20-something women in New York City, but this is no Sex and the City, and thank the stars above for that. One of its characters, the shy virgin played by Zosia Mamet (daughter of David, and a recurring player on Mad Men), references that once-zeitgeist hit of female wish-fulfillment fantasy with a fawning voice and goo-goo eyes, but the knock at it is unmistakable, and appreciated.
Dunham, writing wise beyond her years and directing just fine, is front and center as Hannah, who, in the pilot, learns her parents (including Bosom Buddies’ Peter Scolari as her noncombative dad) are cutting the cord of financial support. She’s hopeful her publishing internship will turn into a “real” job, but it doesn’t, and her love life fares no more success. Oh, she’s getting laid on a constant basis — it’s just with the most repulsive, uncaring beast a single gal should never get near.
From the first three half-hour episodes I previewed, it’s clear that the politically incorrect comedy already stands on firm footing, confident in its resolute archness. Example: Episode two, titled “Vagina Panic,” finds a plot in throwing a quasi-party for an abortion to be had by Jessa (Tiny Furniture vet Jemima Kirke, the show’s weakest link), so indeed, Girls isn’t for everyone. A skewed sense of humor is a must.
Dunham is in danger of having the entire show stole from under her by Hannah’s bitchy roommate, Marnie (Allison Williams, daughter of NBC News anchor Brian Williams), but hey, isn’t that just like real life? Here’s hoping the remainder of its freshman season are as diabolically winning. —Rod Lott
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|OK In Health - To Your Good Health|
A (not-so-typical) Day in the Life of a Vegetarian - November 2011
Over the years – make that decades – lots of people have asked me a multitude of questions, concerning Vegetarianism. One of the common queries concerns my daily routine. They have asked, for example, for me to describe my “typical” day, as a Vegetarian. Like one actually exists.
Let’s take a look at what might be considered relatively commonplace – at least, for me.
I start out my day like many other folks: One eyelid opens first to check the surrounding area and make certain that it’s safe to open the other lid, before getting up. It also allows me to determine the hour and decide whether it’s time for me to venture forth, out of the warm confines of bed.
All things considered safe enough, I then crawl out from under the covers to greet the morning...and Diesel, our small horse, a.k.a. Bull Mastiff/Boxer cross. The next step – literally – is made, heading toward the kitchen area, namely to the refrigerator. Stumbling my way to the aforementioned area, I remove a container of concentrated green foods (in powder form). To the filtration system I then proceed, to fill up a drinking glass with good, clean, healthy drinking water. To this, I add a full scoop of greens, and then proceed to down this as my first drink of the day.
Next, and after the greens “sludge” has settled, my stomach begins to let me know it wants more. This is when I retrace some steps to the refrigerator, where the rice milk is kept. This cool liquid is added to a bowl, already containing a few handfuls of organic oats. This, while not cooked, is allowed to soak for a few minutes before consuming. Such non-cooking maintains more nutrients, while preventing this mixture from getting all gooey, as oatmeal tends to become when cooked.
After pouring on a sufficient amount of organic maple Syrup, (which will differ, depending on personal taste) I consume this, usually as though I haven’t eaten in quite some time.
Should I feel a need to consume further nutrients, I then resort to more rice milk. This time, however, I add it to a “shaker cup”, along with a scoop of protein powder. After some pretty vigorous shaking (the cup, not me), the protein drink is ready...and so am I. “Down the hatch” it goes.
This takes up much of my morning time, making sure I begin the day by consuming enough nutrients – especially protein – to give my blood sugar a good boost. The last thing I want – okay ONE of the last things – is to have my blood sugar roller coast on me.
Lunchtime will present an entirely different scenario, depending on where I am. For example, should I be talking to others about their health trials, oft’ times this brings several challenges to yours truly. For example, waiting until one is famished is not the most ideal way to appease blood sugar levels; it makes for too large an appetite, generally causing one to consume more than necessary at one sitting. In contrast, it is a good idea to eat smaller, more frequent meals, as hunger first begins, rather than after it has taken over.
David's Bio: For over 40 years, Dave Dixon has been a devout Vegetarian. During this time frame, he has become certified as a Nutritional Consultant, worked as a Fitness Trainer, a certified Reflexologist, Deep Muscle Therapist as well as Quantum Biofeedback Practitioner in the South Okanagan area. Dave currently has a biofeedback practice in Summerland ~ 1-778-516-1198. - Email
Copyright © 2004- 2011 OKinHealth.com. This article is of the copyright of OK in Health and the author; any reproduction, duplication and transmission of the article are to have prior written approval by OK in Health or the author.
This information and research is intended to be reliable, but its accuracy cannot be guaranteed. All material in this article is provided for information only and may not be construed as medical advice or instruction. No action or inaction should be taken based solely on the contents of this newsletter / e-magazine / website. Readers should consult their doctor and other qualified health professionals on any matter relating to their health and well-being. The information and opinions provided in this newsletter / e-magazine/website are believed to be accurate and sound, based on the best judgment available to the authors. Readers who fail to consult with appropriate health authorities assume the risk of any injuries. The publisher is not responsible for any errors or omissions. OK in Health is not responsible for the information in these articles or for any content included in this article which is intended as a guide only and should not be used as a substitute to seeking professional advice from either your doctor or a registered specialist for yourself or anyone else.
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|Summer Festivals & Fun Food|
|From peach cobbler topped with ice cream to fried everything you can imagine, summer festivals and all of their interesting foods can be a fun and memorable part of summer. But, how do you have a great time at summer outdoor events and still eat healthfully? Here are a few tips for enjoying without overindulging: Look at all food options before
choosing your favorites; share with a friend; choose smaller portions when possible; put it all on one plate rather than munching as you go; and sit down, eat slowly and enjoy!|
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|What is Constipation?|
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|Chilled Thai Melon ~ Raw Soup|
|Category: Raw Foods|
Description: Following is an example of eating a chilled raw soup, which will actually create some substantial heat inside your body…made possible by the addition of hot chile sauces.
Honeydew melons have similar nutritional benefits of summer and winter squash. Honeydew melons are low in calories and high in their water content. They provide an excellent source of vitamin C and are also a very good source of potassium, copper, and B vitamins (including thiamine, niacin, B6, and pantothenic acid).
Due to their high water content and combination with potassium, honeydew melons are helpful in maintaining healthy blood pressure levels. They also provide several key nutrients that are particularly beneficial for healthy skin.
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At the June 14 summit of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) in Moscow, the leaders of the member states adopted the decision to form the CSTO Collective Rapid Reaction Forces (CRRF). However, two CSTO members, Belarus and Uzbekistan, refrained from joining the CRRF. Thus, the alliance once again failed to display the collectivity it needs for becoming a full-fledged military block. These events are symptomatic of the obstacles the post-Soviet member states of the CSTO are facing in realizing their envisioned system of collective security, obstacles emanating from significant differences in the member states’ strategic interests and capabilities.
BACKGROUND: The idea of the so-called rapid reaction forces, which would act under the aegis of the CSTO, has been discussed since the Bishkek summit in 2000, when the then CST member states decided on the creation of collective security forces. At the following Yerevan summit in 2001, they decided to create the Collective Rapid Deployment Forces (CRDF) for Central Asia, which were to be composed of battalions from Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia and Tajikistan with a total manpower of 1500. The CRDF’s main purposes were declared counter-terrorism and averting external aggression.
The CSTO conducted several joint military operations. The idea of the CRDF or CRRF always remained on the CSTO’s agenda, but a renewed effort in this direction was made at the Dushanbe summit in September 2008. In the aftermath of that summit, CSTO Secretary General Nicolay Bordyuzha stated that all members are concerned with the appearance of military installations such as AMD structures of foreign countries. Such actions, he said, stipulate the necessity of establishing new military infrastructure, and restoring some elements of the Soviet one, at the CSTO frontiers. For Uzbekistan, especially the latter proposition was far from acceptable.
The decision on the CRRF on June 14 added a new element in what can be termed ‘collective confusion’ within the CSTO. It reflected weak collectivity on such a sensitive issue as the application of military power to defend the national and collective security of the member states. Uzbekistan demonstrated its reluctance to take part in the CRRF, outlining its position as follows:
First, the CRRF should exclusively confront external threats and challenges to the security of its member states. Decision-making on its deployment should be strictly based on the principle of consensus. Interestingly, Uzbekistan emphasized that its position stems from the perception that each member of the CSTO is capable of solving its internal problems independently, without outside military assistance. Thus, the CRRF should be used only for confronting external aggression.
Second, the CRRF should not become an instrument for solving any disputes either within the CSTO or in the CIS space. As a number of “frozen” conflicts exist on the Commonwealth’s territory, Uzbekistan seeks to exclude all possibilities of using the CRRF for their resolution and insists that this point is reflected in the agreement on the CRRF.
Third, dispatching contingents to the territory of another CSTO member state should be allowed only if this does not contradict the national legislation of the member-state in question.
Fourth, the Agreement on the CRRF, like any other interstate document, should not come into force unless it is ratified by the parliaments of the member states.
IMPLICATIONS: It seems that the post-Soviet member states of the CSTO are presently facing serious obstacles to realizing their envisioned system of collective security. These obstacles are caused by the significant differences in the member states’ threat perceptions, attitudes towards each other, and geopolitical postures as well as their common fear of the mythic Western offensive in the form of so-called ‘color revolution’ plots. Thus, creating the CRRF also caused serious political confusion.
These forces are today chiefly composed of Russian contingents. Moreover, there is little doubt that the CRRF as well as the overall CSTO system need to be based on Russian military and political power. It is Russia that initiates any strategically crucial decisions of the alliance. Thus, the organization is needed more by Russia than by its other members. And it is Russia that sells equipment to partners in the alliance at domestic (as opposed to world) prices. Russia exercises prominent weight in the block and provides a security umbrella for all CSTO member states, making the CSTO a highly asymmetric organization. In addition, the organization is likely to constrain the freedom of maneuver for its weaker members, especially the Central Asian states. The security assistance they receive from Russia is likely to come with certain obligations; while they will hardly be able to provide security assistance to Russia themselves should it face serious security threats.
Uzbekistan’s hesitation toward the CSTO is quite symptomatic in this regard. In addition to the four points of Uzbekistan’s official position mentioned above, four additional, unofficial reasons for its reluctance to join the CRRF are telling of the CSTO’s deficiencies in general.
First, the creation of collective rapid reaction forces is seen as premature, as the CSTO itself has not yet evolved into a full-fledged politico-military block. In other words, such forces might be created only after the status of the organization is completely established.
Second, Uzbekistan pursues a non-aligned foreign policy. In the mid 1990s, the “Law on Principles of Foreign Policy” was adopted in Uzbekistan, according to which Uzbekistan can participate in various international organizations but does not enter any military block or take part in joint military exercises. Thus, Uzbekistan is today facing two options: to either amend the existing law or refrain from participation in the CSTO’s military dimension.
Third, it is unclear how an effective system of collective security can be created in the post-Soviet space utilizing only the forces of the six members of the CSTO whereas the CIS embraces eleven states (down from twelve following Georgia’s exit this year). It seems that this “paradox” will remain problematic.
Fourth, there is no clarity regarding how CSTO members will react to potential threats. The conflict situation between Azerbaijan and Armenia over Nagorno-Karabakh is illustrative in this sense. It is unclear how the CRRF would react to this type of threat considering that Armenia is a CSTO member while Azerbaijan is not, but both are the CIS members. It is also unclear how other members of the CSTO would react to security threats to one particular member state, especially a remote one. Consider, for instance, Belarus and Tajikistan: these states would be most unlikely to engage in alleviating threats on each other’s territory.
By and large, from independence to the present, all post-Soviet states have sought to cope with security threats on their own and have met threats by using their own national security forces. None – from Russia, the strongest, to Kyrgyzstan, the weakest – have responded to terrorist threats through applying to the CSTO/CST, CIS, SCO or other organizations.
Although Uzbekistan was the sponsor of the first CST summit in Tashkent in May 1992, it did not extend the Treaty on Collective Security in 1998 out of disappointment with its inefficiency in handling threats from the territory of Afghanistan. However, facing the “threat” of an alleged U.S.-inspired color revolution after the Andijan uprising in May 2005, Uzbekistan rejoined the CSTO in 2006. Today, we observe yet another reversal in this policy. Relations between Uzbekistan and the U.S. have improved since 2008, and the permanent paradox of Uzbek geopolitics again contributes to further confusion within the CSTO.
CONCLUSIONS: Ironically, the Collective Rapid Reaction Forces can only react very slowly, because they are in fact non-collective. This obviously produces political confusion among the CSTO member states. At the same time, the current difficulties of the CSTO do not mean that this alliance is useless. Rather, the present confusion about the CSTO implies the need for new solutions to current problems of the collective security system in the post-Soviet space.
AUTHOR’S BIO: Farkhod Tolipov holds a PhD in Political Science, and is Associate Professor at the National University of Uzbekistan.
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|Telephone Enquiries: 01494 758779|
» Andrew McCrorie-Shand » SPASM MUSIC » Eight Notes Music » Harry Lightfoot » Andy Fleet » MIPROJEKT » FARLEIGH
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Oldbrook Music Publishing Ltd is an independent music publisher predominantly working in the television and film market.
We administer, publish and manage copyrights for our composers and production companies globally. We and our associated companies are members of all the collecting societies in all major territories.
We offer and deliver a bespoke service to our composers, songwriters and film companies. Our composers offer the finest score for your project at a realistic cost, still maintaining the highest standards in quality and service.
We work closely with Music Consultants from the entertainment industry specialising in music placement, bridging the gap between UK independent and the US TV/Film industry.
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The niche line SoOud was launched in 2010 by perfumer Stephane Humbert Lucas, who is also the brain and nose behind Nez á Nez.
I never felt particularly moved to explore this line, because, frankly, the name irks me. I believe it is quite stupid to name an entire line after a (sadly overexposed) material, when half the perfumes not even contain it. There are four oud-less perfumes and four that contain oud, but I think it is safe to say the entire line is very French in style. So, as I see it, you discourage the anti-oud fraction from taking a look at the perfumes in the first place, and you frustrate the oud-seekers with not very Arabian perfumes, half of which do not even contain oud. That is a lose-lose situation if I ever saw one.
But that mini-rant aside, I received a sample of Ouris Parfum Nectar from the lovely Asali of All I Am – A Redhead, and despite not expecting anything much, I was floored by the beauty of Ouris. I should not have been surprised, Asali’s taste is excellent after all and we have many fragrant loves in common.
“A symphony of butterfly colors, including peach, blackcurrant and plum, shimmer against the blue sky – a rainbow of beating wings. This delicious mélange of sun-ripened fruit is folded into iris butter and almond cream and drizzled with pollen. Jasmine and white cedar add a lilting freshness and lightness, keeping this as frothy and yummy as a peach daiquiri, while sandalwood and tonka add a layer of sophistication and lasting power to the mix. A sublime summer cocktail of a scent – sensuous, delectable and utterly feminine.”
- via luckyscent.com
I don’t often cite PR material, as mostly it is not particularly relevant to the ensuing scent experience, and more often than not it is more on the funny side than helpful, but this paragraph about Ouris entices me from “symphony of butterflies” to “utter femininity”.
Ouris includes notes of peach, plum, blackcurrant, honey, tagette, jasmine, white cedar, pollen accord, almond, iris butter, vanilla, sandalwood and tonka and was created by Stephane Humbert Lucas in 2010.
Ouris, as well as all the other perfumes from SoOud comes in two cutely named concentrations, the lighter Eau Fine (comparable to Eau de Parfum comes in a white 60ml bottle) and the more concentrated Parfum Nectar (a 35% concentration in black 30ml bottles).
Ouris Eau Fine starts with the most delectable peach note, light, happy, impossibly juicy and utterly realistic. The peach becomes more plummy and a bit darker over time until it glides into a floral heart of jasmine, iris and honey so utterly yummy, it is very hard to detach yourself from your arm at any point during the first hour. That is not to say that the drydown makes it any easier to stop huffing your wrist.
But that is where the Parfum Nectar really excels. Starting out less uplifting, to borrow the words of a Perfumista friend – this is more of a peach liqueur – the Nectar is richer, deeper and really gets going on the iris-sandalwood-tonka front.
Try as I might, I am unable to recommend one concentration over the other, both are variations on a theme I can’t get enough of.
I recommend the Eau Fine for its top-notes and perfect summer-scent capabilities, but I wouldn’t want you to miss out on the depth and power of the Nectar either. Layered, the two bring you closer to a peach-hung heaven than most religions want you to be in this life.
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Related Links in the Library:
Source: CHAPTER IX.: THE DECAY OF FEUDAL PROPERTY IN FRANCE AND ENGLAND in Sir Henry Sumner Maine, Dissertations on Early Law and Custom, chiefly selected from Lectures delivered at Oxford (London: John Murray, 1883).
Copyright: The text is in the public domain.
Fair Use: This material is put online to further the educational goals of Liberty Fund, Inc. Unless otherwise stated in the Copyright Information section above, this material may be used freely for educational and academic purposes. It may not be used in any way for profit.
CHAPTER IX. THE DECAY OF FEUDAL PROPERTY IN FRANCE AND ENGLAND.
Considering the immense space which the first French Revolution filled in the eyes of the generation which immediately succeeded it, it is surprising at first sight that the search after authentic materials for an opinion concerning its causes, course, and character was for a while but slackly prosecuted. A virtually inexhaustible store of such materials existed in the cahiers—the statements of grievances which, according to the ancient practice of the French States-General, were sent up from every administrative subdivision of France to the body which became the first Constituent Assembly. Yet it is only in comparatively recent days that this and other similar stores of historical wealth have been critically examined. The story runs (I do not know whether it has found its way into print) that a well-known German historian once expressed his amazement at having pointed out to him in Paris some dusty bundles of papers, with the remark that they had lain undisturbed since they were deposited in the Archives on the reconstruction, after the close of the Reign of Terror, of the gloomily famous Committees of Public Salvation and General Security. ‘But you have classical histories of the Revolution,’ he said; ‘have not these documents been examined by their writers?’ ‘No,’ was the reply, ‘that is the dust of 1794.’
There is, however, some account to be given of this neglect, especially as regards the cahiers. One cause of it has undoubtedly been that preference for general explanations of phenomena which has always been a heavy drawback on French genius; and the general explanations of the first French Revolution current in France are a multitude. But another, and probably the most powerful, cause is the nearness of the Revolution itself. De Tocqueville, who first dug deep into the cahiers, and showed what great results might be obtained by thoroughly exploring that mine, has left the striking remark that no foreigner can properly appreciate the state of sentiment in one section of French society, where there is scarcely a single family in which the guillotining of a parent or a near relative is not a recollection or a fresh tradition; and one of the fruits of this condition of feeling is a strong reluctance to connect the France of the Revolution with the France of the Monarchy. Another, and a much larger, portion of the nation traces its political and social rights to the period during which all this blood was shed; and hence arises a manifest disposition to regard the Revolution as a historical catastrophe, terrible but inevitable, and to look on the society which succeeded it as no more closely related to that which preceded it than is the vegetation which has grown on the sides of Vesuvius after an eruption to the vegetation which the lava destroyed. Between unwillingness to find the parentage of the Revolution in the old régime before it, and unwillingness to have its crimes placed in full light, the first condition of scientific history, the critical examination of its sources was too much and too long overlooked. But of late, and mainly owing to the influence of that invaluable work on the relations between Old and New France, on which De Tocqueville was still engaged at his death, the business of correcting preconceived opinions by the aid of authentic historical materials has been rapidly proceeding. Two interesting books, one by M. Chassin (‘Le Génie de la Révolution’), and the other by M. Doniol (‘La Révolution Française et la Féodalité’), are among the first-fruits of renewed examination of the cahiers; and in the three volumes of his ‘Origins of Contemporary France,’ which M. Taine has lately published, he has given us instalments of a work which, apart from its great literary merits, is not unworthy to be compared with De Tocqueville’s fragment in the originality and carefulness of the research of which it gives proof. M. Doniol states that great quantities of the original cahiers are to be found in the French Archives; but, though some of them were separately printed in 1789, I am not acquainted with any collection of them fuller than that published, many years ago, by Prudhomme and Laurent de Mézières.
But although the diligent prosecution of these inquiries is comparatively recent, it has already led to considerable results. Some new facts have been discovered, some already known have been brought into clearer light, and several errors have been detected. Among the passages in the Revolution hitherto obscure which may now be better understood, one or two deserve especial remark. The hostility of the cultivating peasantry to the territorial nobility in all provinces of France except Brittany and Anjou, has generally been recognised, not merely as one of the causes of the Revolution, but as the chief cause of the rapidity with which it gathered head and of the comparative stability which it manifested. The provincial cities and towns were slowly drawn into the movement through the action of Jacobin clubs, gradually established in them, and taking their instructions from the central body in Paris, which no doubt from the first was a furnace of revolutionary agitation. But the peasantry, always excepting those of the western provinces, were from the very beginning enthusiasts for the destruction of the ancient institutions, and so they remained until they gained their objects. This universal hatred of the peasants had for one of its effects a condition of the country which, no doubt, has often perplexed the reader of the ordinary histories. After a while France became hermetically closed, and escape from the guillotine became almost impossible. Some writers, in explaining this, have attributed to Robespierre a special genius for police organisation; but the truth seems to be that the cultivating classes, who at first witnessed with pleasure the emigration of the nobility, constituted themselves a voluntary police as soon as they found that, by detaining the nobles in France, they would probably send them to the scaffold. This extremity of detestation is not sufficiently accounted for by assigning general reasons for it. The complicity of the peasants with the rulers of the Reign of Terror was undoubtedly connected with a wish to preserve certain advantages which they had obtained just at the very period when France became a republic; and similarly an earlier series of incidents, which testify to the same unqualified bitterness of feeling, are now shown to have had a special rather than a general cause. M. Taine has described in the subdivision of his work called ‘L’Anarchie Spontanée’ those terrible outbreaks of violence which occurred even as early as 1789, and which are sometimes designated collectively the ‘burning of the châteaux.’ What is now seen clearly, but had only been suspected before, is that the acts of the incendiaries had a distinct object. The object in setting fire to a château was to burn the muniment-room; and the object of burning the muniment-room was to destroy the titres or title-deeds of the seigneur of the fief—as we should say, of the lord of the manor. All this would be hardly intelligible but for a fact, now established, which possibly requires a lawyer rather than an historian to appreciate it—the fact that the French nobility were everywhere engaged in never-ceasing litigation with the peasants. The majority of the French nobles, it should be understood, had little or no analogy to what we understand by a landed aristocracy. A certain number of them, relatively but a few, had great estates; but the largest part of them had little or no land let for rent to lessees or tenants-at-will. The multitude of petty noblemen and gentlemen—classes indistinguishable from one another in Old France—lived on the money produce of the small incidental services due, as we should say, from owners of land held in copyhold to the lord of the manor. Thus they had their finances, the ‘fines’ of our copyhold tenure, the dues payable to the lord by the peasant proprietor on death or on the sale of his land. They had also their monopolies, such as the obligation of the peasant to send his grain to the lord’s mill for grinding, or his beast to the lord’s market for sale. And they had a number of miscellaneous and nondescript sources of income, such as a sole right to have a dovecote stocked with pigeons, which fed on the peasants’ corn. Now on the legal foundations of these privileges a strong controversy was proceeding among the French lawyers during the half-century preceding the Revolution. Some maintained the legal doctrine which had made great way in France at the period when feudalism was really strong—Nulle terre sans seigneur, ‘No lord, no land.’ On this principle, the presumption was always in favour of the liability to feudal dues, and the right to them could always be established by prescription. But another school, no doubt unconsciously influenced by the economical doctrines which had excited such interest among the educated classes in the latter part of the eighteenth century, contended that the lord must show his titres, and almost went the length of arguing that no feudal rights had a legal basis unless documentary evidence of title could be produced. The struggle between the competing principles produced an enormous amount of litigation, sometimes the lord encroaching on the strength of one view, sometimes the peasant on the strength of the other. In any event, the title-deeds of the lord had become of the greatest importance, and the advantage which the tenants gained by their destruction is obvious enough. At a later date it lost its value in the eyes of the peasantry, because more drastic remedies for their grievances had then been devised. The legislation of the Constituent Assembly swept away the greatest part of the feudal dues, and provided compensation for only a part of them. The Legislative or Second Assembly abolished the residue and withdrew the compensation. The Convention, or Third, found almost nothing to destroy, though it was passionately eager to fasten on a hated institution, and though the Revolutionary lawyers, who abounded in it, were the real authors of the legislative provisions, afterwards engrafted on the Code Napoléon, which for ever prevented the revival of feudal ownership in France. The transfer of property from one class to another through the abolition of the feudal dues was much more important than has been commonly supposed, and had much greater influence over the course of the Revolution. When in fact the Revolution ceased to be a social movement, it lost the greatest part of its aliment, and nothing remained for its authors except to tear one another to pieces.
While, however, the re-examination of the cahiers has placed beyond question the character of the grievances of the French peasantry, it has raised some new problems. Bitterly and strongly as these grievances were felt, were they of extraordinary proportions? Does the comparison of the relations between the French peasant and his lord with similar relations in other countries suggest that the small cultivator in France had exceptional and intolerable burdens to bear?
If I were to say that the first French Revolution took place because a great part of the soil of France was held on Copyhold Tenure, the statement would doubtless sound like a paradox. Those who have any practical knowledge of Copyhold, know it to be certainly an inconvenient form of landed property, but hold it probably to be, like all property, rather a privilege than a grievance. Those again who have paid any attention to its history, have possibly heard that Copyhold Tenure has descended from the precarious holdings of Bondmen or Slaves, a condition to which the greatest part of the Anglo-Saxon population is supposed to have been reduced after the alleged destruction of the ancient land-law of England and confiscation of its soil by William the Conqueror. The popular theory of the origin of Copyhold, or at all events the theory in which most lawyers are educated, is explicitly set forth in a tract on the ‘Use of the Law,’ commonly printed in collections of the writings of Lord Bacon (Spedding’s edition, vol. vii. pp. 481 et seq.) The Conqueror is described as having ‘got by conquest all the land of the realm (except Church lands and the lands of Kent) into his own hands in demesne, taking from every man all estate, tenure, property, and liberty of and in the same.’ He then distributed the soil of England among his tenants in capite, ‘reserving some retribution of rents or services or both to him and his heirs’; and ‘by example and resemblance of the king’s policy in these institutions of tenures, the great men and gentlemen of the realm did the like as near as they could.’ Each of them, after reserving to himself the land in the immediate neighbourhood of his mansion-house, or manor, gave a certain portion of the ‘uttermost parts’ of his estate to some ‘trusty servants, to find a horse for war and go with him when he went with the king to the wars, . . . which tenant is called a tenant of knight-service.’ Smaller parcels of land he assigned to socage tenants, who were to plough part of the domain of the lord and bring home the harvest; and the remainder of this domain, ‘which he kept to himself,’ he cultivated by his bondmen, and ‘he appointed them at the courts of his manor how they should hold it, making an entry of it into the roll of his court; yet still in the lord’s power to take it away; and therefore they were called tenants-at-will by copy of court-roll, being in truth bondmen at the beginning; but, having attained freedom of their persons, they are now called copyholders, are and so privileged by the custom that the lord cannot put them out.’ The writer adds that ‘Manors being in this sort at first made, it grew out of reason that the lord of the manor should hold a court, which is no more than to assemble his tenants at times to be by him appointed. . . . This court is called a Court Baron; and herein a man may sue for any debt or trespass under forty shillings’ value; and the freeholders are to judge of the cause upon the proofs produced on both sides.’
The tract on the ‘Use of the Law’ appears to be wrongly attributed to Lord Bacon, who has elsewhere shown that he had much sounder ideas than its writer of the true history of English institutions. The account, however, which it gives of the origin of Manors and of copyhold tenures is the one which, on the whole, has generally prevailed, and there is undoubtedly a good deal in the received authorities on copyhold to suggest it. Yet it is certainly not true, and perhaps the least drawback on it is that it is not true. For, by substituting for the truth a set of plausible fictions, it gives a wrong point to some instructive political lessons, and has besides the mischievous indirect effect of disguising from us that institutions, like forms of organic life, are subject to the great law of evolution.
The real facts are being gradually, though but slowly, established by very recent researches, but, so far as they can be stated in the space at our command, they are as follows:—
When Western Europe has settled down into comparative peace after the deadly strife which followed, first, the irruption of the Germanic races into the Roman provinces, and next, the disruption of the Carlovingian Empire, and when the feudal world has at last been constituted, it wears superficially a variety and irregularity of outline very unlike the apparent uniformity of the Roman Empire. But, on close inspection, all feudal society is seen to be a reproduction of a single typical form. This unit consists of a group of men settled on a definite space of land, and forming what we Englishman call a Manor, and what in France was called a Fief. The great misconception which runs through the account of this group which I took from the tract passing under Bacon’s name, is as follows: the writer regards the Manor entirely as a mode of property, the manorial organisation as a mere proprietary arrangement. But the Manor or Fief, in its origin, was as much a political as a proprietary body, as nearly akin to a State as to an Estate. It retained even in its decay some of the characteristic and curiously persistent marks of Aryan political organisms. The Lord is the βασιλεύς, the rex, the king. The free tenants are the γερουσία, the senate, the council. The villeins are the mass of the people; and below them are the true bondmen, the slaves, or thralls, or, in later legal language, the villeins in gross. The Signorial Court, the Court Baron, is the ancient village assembly, in which the administration of justice has now taken precedence of other public concerns, but in which those public concerns continue to be discussed, the lord presiding, the free tenants advising, the villeins attending without definite share or voice in the deliberations, like the crowd in the Homeric Agora. Those fines, dues, and monopolies which still annoy the English copyholder of our day, which went far to cause the first French Revolution, and which had to be cleared away by a timely stroke of statesmanship before Prussia could begin a struggle to relieve herself from French military despotism, were in their origin rather in the nature of taxes than in the nature of rent. They represent the ancient provision for the service of the little village commonwealth. Some of them may have sprung from the oppressions of the lord, and some from agreement with him; but the greatest part had their origin in regulated force, the sovereignty of the little State.
The Lord, the Seigneur of France, is answerable for the conduct of the whole manorial group to its superiors and its neighbours. He is the manager or governor of the little society, with the advice of his free tenants. He is arbiter of its affairs in the signorial court. He is not the owner of all the land of the Manor; but he generally owns some of it under the name of his domain. Much, however, of his revenues, and here and there the most important part of them, consists of the various dues payable to him from all classes of his tenants. Immediately under him are his freeholders, who render him military or other honourable service and do suit, which involves giving an opinion on the judicial or other matters arising in the Court Baron. But the greatest part of the land included in the Manor or Fief, in some cases much the largest part of it, is in the hands of the Villeins. It was inevitable that the position of this stratum of the manorial community should be much misunderstood until the Comparative Method of Inquiry let in light upon it through observation of those more backward societies which have preserved to our days the life and social forms of the eleventh and twelfth centuries. The villeins owe to the lord all sorts of dues and services, personal labour, among others, on the lands which form his domain; they may not leave the Manor without his permission; no one of them can succeed to the land of another without his assent; and the legal theory even is that the movable property of the villein belongs to the lord. Yet it may confidently be laid down that, in the light of modern research, none of these disadvantages prove an absolutely servile status, and that all may be explained without reference to it. Those who remember that, twenty-five years ago, the Russian serfs were popularly supposed in England to be as much slaves as the negroes of a Mississippi planter, but nevertheless are aware that under the great measure of 1861 the serfs, and not the lords, obtained much the largest part of the land, may be prepared for the assertion that the villeins of the middle ages were never in the strict sense of the word slaves, and never ceased to be in some sense landed proprietors.
To the typical form which I have described, Kingdoms were adjusted no less than Manors. The sovereign who became the most powerful in Europe, the King of France, was the lord of an exalted Manor. His free tenants were the Dukes of Normandy and Burgundy, the Counts of Toulouse and Champagne; his domain consisted of Paris and of the old Duchy of France. These continental institutions were reproduced in England, but, as has often been the case, with a difference. The great power of the early Anglo-Norman kings came from their allowing nobody to be absolutely interposed, like a Duke of Burgundy, between themselves and their subjects, and from their exacting fealty and therefore military service from all Englishmen (Freeman, ‘Norman Conquest,’ iv. 694). We can trace the Manorial group backwards to an earlier social form, a body of men democratically or rather aristocratically governed, in which the free tenants had as yet no lord, the village community. We can also trace its gradual dissolution, until the forms of landed property were established with which we are all familiar. The exact point before us is, Why did the Manor in its decay produce such different results in England and France? Why did its transformation end in one country in a revolution which is an epoch of history? Why, in another, in a somewhat inconvenient form of landed property?
It is, in the first place, to be observed that the French peasant tenures of 1789 wear, externally, the strongest resemblance to the copyhold tenures which were found at the same date in England, and which indeed still survive, though their area is much limited. From my own researches, I should be inclined to doubt whether there is a single service of the French peasantry established by authentic evidence of which at least a trace cannot be discovered among the incidents of English copyholds. Arthur Young, who travelled just before and just after the outbreak of the Revolution, singles out certain French services for their especial grotesqueness, but feudal obligations nearly answering to several of them are mentioned by one or other of the witnesses examined by the Select Committee of the House of Commons on Copyholds which sat in 1850 and 1851. There are, no doubt, certain alleged incidents of the French tenure, implying an extreme degradation of the tenant, which do not appear to have ever had their counterparts in England, though they have been thought to be discoverable in the half-legendary history of Scotland; but the evidence of them has of late been considered to be extremely doubtful, and it certainly consists in some cases of a misapprehension of the meaning of old French juridical terms. On the whole, the correspondence of the French and English tenures is remarkably close; and nothing can exceed the surprise of M. Doniol—the first of his countrymen, I believe, who has become alive to this correspondence—that grievances which all his authorities declare to have brought about the great Revolution, are in England grievances of no political significance whatever. M. Doniol has imagined the following ingenious illustration of the disadvantages of the existing English copyhold tenure. He supposes a capitalist from the South of England beginning negotiations for the purchase of an estate in the North which has struck his fancy. His solicitor tells him that Manors abound in the Northern counties, and that the estate is mostly copyhold. On further inquiry, he is informed that the land is subject to arbitrary fines—the finances of old French law—and that a sum of money is therefore payable to the lord of the manor every time a copyholder dies or sells his land; and every time the lord dies, a similar sum must be paid to his successor. These arbitrary fines were once really arbitrary, but the King’s Court long ago declared that (save in some very exceptional cases) they must be reasonable and must not exceed two years’ value of the land. The consequence, however, is, that every time any one in a series of hereditary copyhold tenants (father, son, or grandson) dies, and every time a death occurs in a similar series of lords of the manor, two years’ value of the land must be paid. Hence, M. Doniol’s would-be purchaser is warned that it never can be worth his while to make improvements on his property, since they would only add to the standard of the fine leviable in these eventualities. He is further warned that, on his death, the most valuable piece of personal property he possesses will be liable to be seized by the lord under the name of a Heriot; and it is a fact that the Pitt Diamond and the famous picture of Rubens, the ‘Chapeau de Paille,’ which is the gem of the Peel Collection in the National Gallery, were barely saved from seizure as Heriots, and the most valuable racehorse of its time was actually seized, their owners happening to have some fragments of copyhold amid their estates. M. Doniol’s solicitor then goes on to enumerate a number of smaller inconveniences of the tenure. One of them was in France one of the chief grievances of the peasantry. On being properly summoned the copyholder must supply a man to assist in reaping the lord’s harvest. In old France, the peasant went himself, but in England it merely comes to this, that the copyholder loses a day’s work of one of his labourers; the lord, however, does not gain it, for the labourer sent to him does as little work as possible, and by the custom he is entitled to a dinner, which is worth more than the value of his labour at its best.
M. Doniol concludes by asking who in his senses could buy such a property. The incidents of copyhold which he specifies have a real existence and are very familiar to lawyers; many others equally singular in the eyes of a foreigner were described to the Select Committees of the House of Commons. Nevertheless, as M. Doniol himself admits, there is a certain fallacy in his account. For purposes of illustration, he assumes that all copyhold land is burdened everywhere with these onerous services. The truth is that, the picture is made up by uniting burdens spread over a great number of manors; and it may be asserted generally that in the southern counties of England manorial liabilities are seldom of much importance; and everywhere they have been extinguished in great quantities during the last five-and-twenty years by the proceedings of the Copyhold Commissioners.
The reasons which may ultimately lead to the compulsory enfranchisement on equitable terms of all English copyhold land are not at all likely to be the grievances of the copyholder. If he were to urge them, the answer openly or tacitly given would be that he is fortunate to have even an inconvenient kind of property, and that he is no more entitled to the public pity than a shareholder in a railway which pays intermittent dividends or none at all. Very probably he would be told that, whatever be the disadvantages of his property, they were doubtless allowed for in the price which he or his predecessors paid for it. The grounds on which enfranchisement will be enforced, if at all, will be, that copyhold tenure is an obstacle to agricultural improvement, on which it entails a direct penalty, and that it is a restraint on the productiveness of the soil. It is to be remarked, however, that this reasoning, or at least its cogency, is extremely modern. As recently as two centuries ago, an observer, not over-sensitive to other people’s interests, described the grievances of copyholders in language curiously like that used of the wrongs of the French peasantry in the cahiers sent up to the French States-General. Roger North, in his delightful book, ‘The Lives of the Norths,’ tells us that the Lord Keeper Guilford qualified himself for practice at the bar by acting as the steward of various manors, and he quotes a good deal of the Lord Keeper’s conversation on the subject of manorial rights. Guilford was in the habit of saying that he found himself the executioner of the cruelty of the Lords and Ladies of Manors upon poor men; that small tenements and pieces of land which had been men’s inheritances for generations were devoured by fines; that it was wonderful how Parliament, which took away the royal tenures in capite, had never relieved the poorest landowners of the nation from extortion and oppression, and that the tenure ought to be abolished. Here is the very muttering of the volcano before the French revolutionary eruption; but there is this difference, that the class compassionated by North is a relatively small one as well as a poor one, for he goes on to observe on the large number of manors which had become altogether or partially extinct in England.
Now, if a hundred years ago, a great part of the class which, as a fact, consisted of agricultural labourers, and a considerable part of the class which, as a fact, consisted of tenant farmers, had been made up of copyholders standing to the Lord of the Manor in the relations which North describes, and if, under the law of the equal division of property these copyholders were constantly multiplying their numbers without severing themselves from the land, there would have been in this country a state of agrarian society very nearly resembling that of France. It must be allowed, I think, that if no similar convulsion had resulted from it, it would not have been for want of explosive material. As a matter of fact, nothing of the kind occurred, and the very suggestion of an English Revolution caused by the oppression of copyhold tenants strikes every one as an absurdity. How then came the feudal edifice of which the outline had been extremely similar in England and France, to break into such different shapes? How came the same institution to become a grievance of the first order in one country, at most an inconvenience in the other? The answer to this question divides itself into many branches; some of them I could not follow without retracing much of the long and intricate history of English land-law, and without using much technical language, but the consideration of a few may not be out of place here.
One powerful cause of the difference lay in the strong distinction between the judicial organisation of France and of England. In both countries, a considerable part of the popular law, the law which affected the mass of the people in most of their concerns, had been once administered by the local courts, the Manor courts, and signorial courts, presided over theoretically by the lord, but practically by an expert deputy, the steward, attorney, or bailli. The French signorial court is extinct, and the only picture which remains is a caricature, in the play of Beaumarchais called the ‘Mariage de Figaro.’ Yet even the sketch of Beaumarchais is a sketch of a tribunal in its way powerful and important, and thus very unlike those Manor courts which, though still summoned in our day for the transaction of business, betray in every part of their proceeding their extreme decay. A century since, the English Manor court was very much what it now is; but the signorial court of France was a comparatively flourishing institution. The English country gentleman, who was lord of the manor, was administratively a person of great authority and influence; but his ancient jurisdiction was in extreme decrepitude, and the only judicial powers which he prized were probably those which he derived, as a Justice of the Peace, from the King. The French Seigneur, on the other hand, was administratively a cipher; as Tocqueville has pointed out, the agents of the centralised royal authority had usurped all serious administrative functions; but then the court of his signory, though it had lost much, had retained a good deal of its ancient authority and activity.
The different condition of the local jurisdictions in the two countries was certainly due to the different action upon them of courts outside and above them. In England the King’s Courts at Westminster Hall constantly corrected the jurisdiction of the manorial courts, limiting the area of land subject to it, confining it rigorously to specific cases, and strictly prescribing the manner in which it should be exercised. The heads of the little manorial societies long struggled against what they deemed to be an usurpation. Too few manor rolls have been published; but in those which have been made accessible you frequently find the lord and the homage (that is, the assembly of free tenants) making rules against resort to the King’s Court. Thus, if we turn to page 239 of Mr. Scrope’s ‘History of the Manor of Castle Combe,’ we find an entry of a distress made on the goods of a copyholder for violating the constitutional rule (communis ordinatio) of the Manor, that ‘no tenant is in any way or for any reason to implead, or procure the impleading of any other tenant, in any external court.’ Not only did the King’s Courts disregard all such rules, but they established the principle that the lord might be made to answer to the King for any excess of his authority, or of his customary privileges. Some of the best-known principles limiting manorial rights were settled in this way; among others, the doctrine which in its origin must have been most beneficial to the copyholder, that all so-called arbitrary fines must be reasonable, the standard of reasonableness being taken at two years’ value. The most destructive influence exercised by the King’s Courts over the manorial jurisdictions consisted probably in the inclination of the higher tribunal to narrow the area of land held on tenures traceable to the ancient villenage. The King’s Court would bind a lord to prove strictly that a particular piece of land was copyhold. The free tenure, technically called socage, was thus always extending at the expense of servile tenures; and Roger North expressly tells us that, at the time of which he writes—that is, about the middle of the seventeenth century—‘most manors in England were more than half lost.’
What the Courts at Westminster Hall were to the English Manor, the French Parliaments were to the French Fief. They were originally creations of the King; the pedigree of the Parliament of Paris is as distinctly traceable as that of the Queen’s Bench to the ancient Curia Regis; and originally the Parliaments were as untiring as the Courts of the English Kings, and in the teeth of far fiercer protests from the French nobility, in extending the authority of royal law at the cost of local law. Not only did they employ against the signorial courts the same weapons which were used by the English judges, but they borrowed a special instrument of attack from the Roman law, by insisting on their right to hear appeals from all subordinate jurisdictions. Yet there is no doubt that this hostility slackened after a while. Although, as I before said, a special current of decision set in in the latter half of the eighteenth century, yet, on the whole, the later doctrine of the French Parliaments was ‘Nulle terre sans seigneur;’ and thus there was always a presumption against the existence of the free tenure most nearly corresponding to our socage. The Parliament of Paris, just before the Revolution, ordered the work of Boncerf, ‘On the Inconveniences of Feudal Rights,’ to be publicly burnt; and the decree no doubt testifies to the opinions most strongly and permanently held by the majority of the French judges.
There is a general agreement among historians of French law that this later tenderness of the French Parliaments to signorial rights and signorial jurisdictions is attributable to the interest which the French ‘nobility of the gown’ had acquired in signorial privileges. The change of feeling is connected with the innovation, generally regarded as disastrous, by which offices in the great French judicial assemblies became purchasable and hereditary. Thenceforward, as M. Fustel de Coulanges has observed, a judge was almost invariably a man of inherited wealth; in the France of that day, the only investment for wealth was land or interests in land, and proprietorship was just as likely to consist in a right to signorial dues as in ownership of the soil. I am not in a position to controvert this view; yet I may venture to interpose the remark that the student of English history will perhaps doubt whether in all states of society the saleableness of judicial office is an unmixed evil. Our associations with the French Parliaments do them a certain amount of injustice. They had in fact inherited, from a time when legislative and judicial power were not clearly separated from one another, a claim to check the legislation of the Kings of France, by refusing to register their edicts when they were, as we should say, unconstitutional. Their not always wise and almost always feeble efforts to stand in the way of high-handed legislation, are apt to lead us into contrasting them unfavourably with that famous body bearing the same name which has so long made laws for Englishmen. But, as courts of justice, they were extremely remarkable, more especially for having much of that independence which we are used to consider a natural and necessary characteristic of legislatures. The very defects of their constitution contributed to this independence. While the justice administered in the English Courts was from very early times more emphatically than in any other European country the King’s Justice—while each of the four Stuart Kings found no difficulty in packing the English bench with his creatures—the seats in a French Parliament were filled by men who retained a certain measure of independence, exactly because they had purchased or inherited their offices. The Parliaments may be justly taxed with many faults, but they were never servile instruments or pliant nominees of the King, down to the day when the States-General, which had not met since 1614, again assembled in 1789, and ground the King and the Parliaments and all French institutions to powder.
There were other causes, besides the tendency of judicial decision in the King’s Courts, which helped to prevent the growth in this country of that spirit of discontent which exploded among the French peasantry in 1789 and 1790. I have no doubt that we must reckon among them that aggregation of property in large estates which is of old date in this country, though the pace at which it has proceeded has greatly increased of late. It may have produced other evils, but it reduced the particular evil of which I have been speaking to insignificant proportions. I could not fully account for this aggregation without entering upon the technical history of land-law; but one of its economical causes may be noticed here. The English Lords of Manors—a class which, it must be borne in mind, includes the forerunners of both the English nobility and the English gentry—had been originally much poorer than the corresponding order in France. The forerunners of the French nobility had settled or risen to power in some of the wealthiest, most populous, and most highly cultivated provinces of the Roman empire; and the imposts which afterwards became their feudal dues gave them no doubt great relative opulence. But England was a country of large forests and wastes, as indeed might be inferred from Macaulay’s famous Third Chapter, describing its condition in comparatively modern times. Now one of the best ascertained incidents in the growth of feudalism is the falling of the waste lands of the manor into the hands of the lord, and a particular circumstance gave an especial importance to this gradually acquired property. England in the middle ages had a source of national wealth which can only be compared with our present coal and iron, with the wines of modern France, or with the gold of Australia and California. Her soil, her climate, and doubtless her tenures, were specially fitted for the production of wool—those ‘wools of England’ which the King, in the Roll of the Ordinance of the Staple, is made to call ‘the sovereign merchandise and jewel of our realm.’ The English wool supplied the industrious cities of Flanders with material for their looms, and was carried to all points of the Mediterranean seaboard. This it was which turned a poor nobility into a rich nobility; and, when the Wars of the Roses have closed, a popular movement which has attracted too little attention and which has been much misunderstood shows the English lords of manors rapidly acquiring land, and acquiring it for purposes of sheep-farming and of agriculture on a great scale. But the French noblesse seem to have never been able to buy up the holdings of their former villeins. A certain number of them had the vast estates described in M. Taine’s recently published volumes; but, taking France as a whole, and excluding Church and Crown lands, the sense of property in land was not in the seigneur but in the peasant. It is one of the most vulgar of errors to suppose that small properties in France date from the Revolution; immediately before it, Arthur Young, one of the most observant of English travellers, expresses himself as amazed at their multitude. And this multitude was increasing, since the peasants were buying up the domains of the richer nobility, ruined by the court life at Versailles. But all this mass of petty proprietors was subject to the payment of feudal dues and to the curtailment of their profits by small monopolies; and we may gain a feeble notion of the exasperation which the system caused by recalling the days when the English farmer had to allow the tithe-owner’s agent to take every tenth sheaf from his field. But perhaps fiction is even more instructive on the point than history. Turn to the ‘Bride of Lammermoor,’ and gather from it the opinion which the feudal tenants of the Lord of Ravenswood had of the raids of Caleb Balderstone on Wolfshope—extend this to a whole population and understand that a legion of Caleb Balderstones overran France—and one may be able to bring home to oneself the view which the French peasantry took of the institutions under which they lived.
If we turn to England, we have reason to think that, by the end of the last century, the bulk of the class corresponding to the French peasantry consisted either of agricultural labourers or of tenant farmers. Doubtless much might be said on the excessive multiplication in this country, as compared with others, of the first portion of this class, the agricultural labourers; but the tenant farmers, though not given to hide their grievances, have never been politically dangerous. It is not indeed to be supposed that the Copyholder, cultivating his own land, is never found even now; probably a part of the very considerable number of small landowners which the so-called new Domesday Book shows to be left to us consists of this class. Several of them were examined by the Committees of the House of Commons which inquired into copyhold tenures, and they were pressed with the question whether they were not at all events better off than the farmer holding on lease who paid a rent, not at irregular periods, but regularly every half-year. The true answer is, that a copyholder is not a hirer but an owner of land, but the comparison implied in the question is significant. No doubt the status of the tenant farmer has had much effect on the feeling of cultivating copyholders. It has served as a standard with which to compare their own condition; and indeed it is a fact now known to lawyers that copyholders in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries frequently impaired their legal position by accepting leases of their land from the lord of the manor. But the French peasant, holding by servile tenure, never compared himself with the farmers of the domain land of the nobles, who were a very special class, the metayers, not only hiring their land from the lord, but having it stocked by him. The peasant compared his lot with that of the nobles themselves, and bitterly chafed at the contrast.
I have yet to mention one cause which perhaps more than any other prevented not only manorial rights but all rights in land from being seen in England at the end of the last century in precisely the same light in which they were viewed in Continental countries. It is a fact of great political and juridical interest that from very early times landed property changed hands by purchase and sale more frequently in England than elsewhere. The unusual legal facilities for this which existed here belong to that technical history of law from which, as before, I abstain; but it was certainly the early wealth of the country which led chiefly to these transfers. Some jurists have laid down, as a general principle, that every acquisition of property is founded on a previous contract or agreement. This no doubt is historically untrue, but the mistake is one which is closely connected with some of the most widely received ideas of the eighteenth century. The sacredness of contract was one of the fundamental ideas of the French philosophical creed, and it strongly influenced the proceedings by which the manorial rights of the French nobility were taken away. In the end, the nobles received no compensation for the loss of these rights; as the flame of revolution gathered head, it was as much as they could do if they saved their lives. But this was not at all intended by the First or Constituent Assembly. It abolished without compensation those rights only which it supposed to have sprung from the ancient helplessness of the villein; but wherever any class of rights seemed to it to have originated in a contract between the lord and his vassal, it abolished them indeed but provided for the lord’s receiving their money-value. The distinction did some honour to the spirit of justice prevailing in the First Assembly, but no doubt it was founded on historical error. There is no reason for supposing that manorial rights originated in simple violence, but there is equally little for supposing that any large number of them originated in agreement.
What, however, was untrue of France, was true in a certain sense of England, and is still truer now. The title of the Lord of the Manor and the title of the Copyholder were then, as now, far more deeply rooted in agreement than in any other deeply feudalised country. The lord had often, personally, or through his predecessors, purchased his rights; the copyholder had constantly obtained his land subject to manorial rights, by purchase from somebody else. It will be found that English political economy and English popular notions are very deeply and extensively pervaded by the assumption that all property has been acquired through an original transaction of purchase, and that, whatever be the disadvantages of the form it takes, they were allowed for in the consideration for the original sale. I cannot doubt that this assumption, to a very great extent a true one, is a very valuable safeguard to property; perhaps in our day not less valuable than the general sense of its expediency and than that feeling, as old as the oldest rudiments of civilisation, which has translated itself into the legal rules of prescription and into the respect of the most permanently powerful section of every society for its established institutions. If this be so, the immediate practical lesson is that we owe our best wishes to those attempts, hitherto not very successful, which have been made to give an impetus to the exchangeableness of land. If they ever succeed, they will facilitate one of the most conservative and reparative of processes, the purification by contract of the title to property.
I do not wish to be understood that the contrast between the view of feudal obligations and rights taken in England and France is wholly to be explained by the causes which I have analysed in this paper. This set of causes appears to me to have been kept too much in the background, and therefore I have thought them not undeserving of attention. It belongs to the civil historian to bring to light others which are intermingled with the whole structure of French society. De Tocqueville has strongly suggested, and others after him will probably demonstrate, that the enormous social prestige of the French Court and its constant indulgence of its military tastes had at length turned the French territorial nobility into a caste as distinct from the cultivating peasantry as is the Rajput from the Sudra, as distinct as was the white planter of the Southern States from the negro who laboured in his cane-fields. The effect of this deep alienation was completely to alter the normal or natural character of the social group of which I have spoken, the Manor or Fief. Left to itself, it is one of the most conservative of all institutions. In our own country the Manor is in extreme decay, and chiefly survives in its ecclesiastical organisation as the Parish. In France a revolution has passed over the Fief, and it has become a mere administrative subdivision, the Commune. But, as we move eastwards through the German and Sclavonic countries, this primitive social organism grows stronger and stronger. It is plainly discernible under the superficial crust of Mussulman institutions, until in India it emerges in its most ancient form, as the Village-Community, a brotherhood of self-styled kinsmen, settled on a space of land. Everywhere, however, it offers a more or less stubborn resistance to change; whether the instrument of change be military conquest or the centralising legislation of well-intentioned rulers, who from the nature of the case can only look on nations as miscellaneous aggregates of individuals, and can at most aim at the greatest happiness of the greatest number. Nobody who knows England outside cities and towns will think that deference to the Squire and the Parson is a phenomenon only fit to point a sarcasm or a joke. No Frenchman, except a Parisian, will laugh at what Frenchmen call the patriotism of the Steeple. But in the latter half of the eighteenth century, the normal operation of the Fief was reversed in France. Many causes, and among them that personal friction which is the despair of all who would make History a science, had produced among the peasantry such intensity of hatred to their lord that they were ready to find allies against him anywhere—before the Revolution, in the despotic King and his usurping agents—after the Revolution, in the Convention, in the Jacobin Club, in the Directory, in the First Consul, who was soon to be the Emperor. And even now the tradition of the feudal dues and the fear of their revival are political influences of the first order, tending to make a great part of the nation ready, or not reluctant, to throw itself (as a great French orator said) into the arms of the first lucky corporal who makes it believe that he can preserve the institutions created by the Revolution, without bringing back the Revolution itself.
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
VILLAGE-COMMUNITIES AND MANORS.
Although no question has been more discussed by German and English scholars, the exact mode in which the Manor or Fief arose out of pre-existing social forms is still a very obscure problem. In a work published ten years ago (‘Village Communities in the East and West’), I gave an abridged account of all that was then known or had been conjectured on the subject, but additions are being constantly made to our knowledge—in some small degree, I hope, owing to the book I have named—and much information may be expected from Russia, where the growth of lordships and of the chief incidents of villenage are of relatively recent date, and where there appears to be materials for an authentic history of this social transformation. I trust that Mr. Mackenzie Wallace will not long withhold those results of special investigation which he promised in the preface to his work on Russia. On another aspect of the subject, a forthcoming work of Mr. Frederick Seebohm, which I have had the privilege of seeing, will throw a great deal of light.
This, however, is a walk of investigation in which the caution given in a Note on ‘The Gens’ to Chapter VIII. is especially necessary. We must make full allowance for the imitativeness of mankind. A great number of Village-Communities to be found in the various parts of the world, and a great number of Manors which still exist in England in extreme decay, must have been originally mere reproductions of a model which had grown into favour. Much of the waste land of India, at most held previously in vague tribal ownership, was colonised by groups of men who settled down in Village-Communities because they knew no other form of common cultivation, and the waste places of Europe were extensively brought under tillage by colonists arranged in manorial groups under religious bodies or powerful men who had obtained large grants of land. There are, and have been from time immemorial, parts of the world in which settlers would as naturally plant themselves in these groups, as English or Scottish emigrants in Canada or New Zealand would now establish themselves on separate farms to be cultivated by themselves and their children, or by hired labour. All, then, that we can hope to discover is the typical form. Now the typical Village-Community—a body of self-styled kinsmen, having a government of their own, and engaged under fixed rules in common cultivation—is too peculiar a group to have arisen by accident, or to have had its origin in individual caprice. The evidence seems conclusive that it first grew up in remote barbarism, though in barbarism probably not older than the period at which mankind began to cultivate cereals, or to combine that cultivation with the pasturing of flocks and herds. It may give an idea of the wide diffusion of the Village-Community in its more archaic shapes if I mention that it has been observed not only in the largest part of India, but in the Fiji Islands (by Sir Arthur Gordon), and among the Berbers of North Africa (by M. Ernest Renan), and that what appears to be a distinct form of it, followed by the more southerly tribes of North American Indians, is described by Mr. Morgan in the fourth volume of the United States Survey of the Rocky Mountain region, which appeared last year. Nor is it possible for me to doubt that the typical Manor arose out of the Village-Community. Everybody who has made for himself a clear mental picture of the last group will see that it contains everything which is found in the earliest Manors, with no differences except those which come from the substitution of individual for popular authority. Everything which the lord can do can be done by the council of village elders, or by the village-headman, these last, however, being responsible to the community, while the lord tends more and more to become a mere owner, just as the King of France came to be called by the lawyers the King-Proprietor of all French land. But beyond this account of the relation between the Types, it would not be safe to go. Both the type of the Village-Community and the type of the Manor have been extensively copied, and here and there in surprisingly recent times. Their wide extension by colonisation is, I suppose, the source of a paradoxical opinion which I have seen, that their most distinctive peculiarities are altogether modern.
The question of the origin of Manors or Fiefs established in Western Europe, and then spread far and wide by artificial agency, is wrapt in obscurity. I argued in a former work that everything which contributed to what we call feudalism must have sprung either from barbarous custom or from Roman law (‘Ancient Law,’ pp. 364 et seq.); but from which source were the germs of manorial authority derived? On the one hand, the examination of the Theodosian Code shows that the great estates of the Roman proprietary—their villæ, cultivated by coloni and slaves—contracted a certain resemblance to the Manor, which I myself am, on the whole, disposed to explain by the number of cultivators of barbarous origin with which they were filled. I have always distrusted the implied assertion of the Roman lawyers that the multitudinous Roman slaves had no institutions at all; and I imagine that a vast property, crowded with barbarians, would naturally fall under a system of management not unlike the mechanism of one of the most widespread of barbarous institutions. It is certainly significant that the Germanic draftsmen of Codes and Charters always used the word ‘villa’ for what we call a village-community. While I certainly cannot accept the conclusion to which some learned Frenchmen incline, that the Manors of the continent are in their origin nothing but Roman villæ, still it seems only reasonable to suppose that in the former Roman provinces the organisation of the villæ did assist in causing the cultivating groups to take the manorial form rather than that of self-governed village-communities. It is to be noted at the same time that the oldest of the barbarous codes, the Lex Salica, knows nothing in its earlier and genuine portions of manorial authority. The potestas dominica of which it speaks is ‘royal’ power. It knows the village-community under the name of villa (see the Title 45, ‘De Migrantibus’), and in describing one of its even now marked characteristics, its rigid exclusiveness, it implies that the community is one of freemen entitled to sue before the free Court of the Hundred. The Manor appears, however, to have been known to the compilers of the later Leges Barbarorum.
The difficulty of attributing the origin of English Manors to the Roman Villa need hardly be stated. The particular Teutonic tribes which conquered Britain came from homes so northerly that they can hardly have so much as seen a great Roman estate, and, even if they had, it is not easy to understand adventurous warriors settling down as serfs or villeins in their oversea conquests. This subject, however, is one of those most fully treated in Mr. Seebohm’s volume.
It may be convenient that I should give in full the passage from Bracton stating the legal theory of villenage which prevailed in his day. ‘The tenement changes not the condition of a free man any more than of a slave. For a free man may hold in mere villenage, doing whatever service thereto belongs, and shall not the less be free, since he does this in regard of the villenage and not in regard of his person. . . . Mere villenage is a tenure rendering uncertain and unlimited services, where it cannot be known at eventide what service hath to be done in the morning—that is, where the tenant is bound to do whatever is commanded him’ (fo. 26a). Again: ‘Another kind of tenement is villenage, whereof some is mere and other privileged. Mere villenage is that which is so held that the tenant in villenage, whether free or bond, shall do of villein service whatever is commanded him, and may not know at nightfall what he must do on the morrow, and shall ever be held to uncertain dues; and he may be taxed at the will of the lord for more or for less, . . . yet so that if he be a free man he doth this in the name of villenage and not in the name of personal service; . . . but if he be a villein [by blood] he shall do all these things in regard as well of the villenage as of his person’ (fo. 208b). The only difference in the services was that the merchetum on marrying a daughter, being an incident of personal servitude (as a fine paid to the lord for depriving him of a slave), was not demandable from the free man holding in villenage’ (F. Pollock, ‘Notes on Early English Land Law,’ ‘Law Magazine and Review’ for May 1882). The whole of Mr. Pollock’s valuable paper deserves consideration.
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The Theme Designer is an easy-to-use admin tool that allows you to quickly customize your wiki's theme and wordmark. Choose from a pre-set theme or design your own unique theme that fits your wiki's topic and community.
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Files like images and sound clips are an integral part of wikis. They allow readers to get a sense of the information in pages with visual guides. To do this, you must first upload files to the wiki where you want to use them. You must be logged in to do this.
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Luke Perry is ready to play wingman for his former 90210 costar, Jennie Garth.
During a chat with Access Hollywood's Billy Bush and Kit Hoover this week, the newly single star (she and husband Peter Facinelli split earlier this year) opened up about Perry's offer to hook her up with some of her friends.
"He keeps saying he wants to because he doesn't approve of my choices so far," Garth, 40, explained.
Since breaking up with her Twilight star ex, the blonde beauty has enjoyed brief romances with HGTV star Antonio Ballatore and photographer Noah Abrams. Just last week, Garth was spotted out on a date with Jason Clark, a managing director at Jones Lang LaSalle in Los Angeles.
"I don't know my type. I don't know what I'm looking for," the mom to Luca, 15, Lola, 9, and Fiona, 5, admitted, explaining that she's enjoying getting back into dating. "I'm attracted to guys that I'm not normally attracted to right now, which is exciting for me."
Something she's definitely not looking for? Someone who has her confused with her Beverly Hills: 90210 character, Kelly Taylor.
"I've had that happen. Where a guy was really just enamored by Kelly Taylor," the actress explained of a former awkward fling. "I found it kind of cute at first. But it went on and on."
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Morrisville's Madison Hall recognized by William G. Pomeroy Foundation
MORRISVILLE — Madison Hall left its mark on history Saturday morning when it was recognized by the William G. Pomeroy Foundation with a roadside marker.
“This was originally brought to us by the Morrisville Historic Preservation Society,” said Marie Smith, president of the Madison Hall Association. “A lot of people helped us get to this day.”
Originally built as a simple wooden courthouse in 1817, the hall has been rebuilt three times over the years. In 1849, it was replaced with stonework; in 1864, it was damaged by fire, and reconstructed from its original stone foundation.
When it was built, Madison Hall was the seat for Madison County until it was moved to Wampsville in 1909. In 1910, the building became the main facility for the New York State School of Agriculture, now Morrisville State College. Since then, the building has changed hands a few times and now has its own maintenance team and association.
The Madison Hall Association had to work with Morrisville State College, the Town of Morrisville and The Pomeroy Foundation for months to get this project off the ground.
The William G. Pomeroy Foundation started doing these roadside markers 2007. The original program was state run but dropped in 1939. Since its formation, the Pomeroy Foundation has installed more than 80 of these markers, five of which are in Madison County — two in Chittenango, and one each in West Edmeston, Morrisville and Bouckville.
For more information on the William G. Pomeroy Foundation, visit:
For more information on Madison Hall, visit:
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Editor Kurt Wanfried shares his view of the news in Madison County and Southern Oneida County.
Sports stories from Central New York and beyond.
Mary Messere, the former Madison County historian, describes herself as historian/writer/photographer who loves music, history, making videos, poetry, art and travel. Her entertaining blog covers all that and more.
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Straight fellows do watch gay porn from time to time even if they do not admit it. Homosexual encounters are too hot & vicious to be ignored! You will find so many tricks to try on your own that you’ll soon view amateur gay sex as a natural source of inspiration. We have hundreds of sex clips for your pleasure in dozens of incredibly hot adult categories. Do not miss the spiciest piece of the pie!
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There's a land grab going on in the exchange-traded fund world, and it's getting contentious. In an effort to grow assets, many ETF sponsors are rolling out more and more niche products, hoping to appeal to the masses of investors distraught over their inability heretofore to invest in a Swedish-krona or put-writing ETF.
There are more than 1,400 ETFs currently on the market, with 178 introduced in 2012, and 19 launched so far this year, according to XTF, a research firm.
But nearly a third of the $1.4 trillion in assets are held by just 10 ETFs, most of which are based on the broadest market indexes. Those do the trick for a wide swath of individual and institutional investors, most of whom have little need for anything fancier. Many investment advisors say that lots of these new, much narrower ETFs are solutions in search of a problem. Investors, the advisors say, could end up falling prey to new risks and higher fees that these specialized funds invariably charge.
"ETF sponsors are in a business, and that's to find any niche they can to peddle a product," says David Kotok, chief investment officer at Sarasota, Fla.–based Cumberland Advisors, which manages about $2.2 billion. "What happened is, the space got filled," Kotok says, "and now they're reaching, trying to conceive of ideas that will sell. The driving force is the management fee."
Here's a sense of how esoteric -- and pricey -- some of the new funds are: Last month brought the ProShares Global Listed Private Equity ETF (ticker: PEX), which charges 2.54% for buying publicly traded private-equity companies like Apollo Investment (AINV) and Ares Capital (ARCC).
Then there's the ALPS Advisors' U.S. Equity High Volatility Put Write Index fund (HVPW), also launched last month. This one combines stocks and an options strategy to bring in yield by exploiting quick-darting stocks; volatile names command pricier options than staid ones, and the fund sells put options in order to pocket the higher premiums. Its pricey 0.95% in annual expenses seems downright reasonable compared with other recent offerings, but this ETF also introduces a host of risks -- a sharp market drop could leave the fund holding a basket of sinking stocks if enough put options are exercised.
Advisors' rule No. 1: Don't allow a rush of product offerings to change your perception of real investing needs. Sophisticated investors who already sell put options may take note of the ALPS fund. Otherwise, ignore it. Even if investors see a usefulness in many of these new ETFs, dial down the enthusiasm until each one has been tested -- in the market and in your portfolio. Lee Munson, chief investment officer at Portfolio LLC in Albuquerque, N.M., says he adheres to a "one-exotic-ETF limit."
Consider another example, the Market Vectors BDC Income ETF (BIZD), which owns business-development companies that make loans to, and invest in, small and medium-size firms. These business-development companies tend to offer high yields, but some advisors see little point in paying fees to own an ETF looking to knit together such a small corner of the market. "There are only four or five publicly traded BDCs of size and consequence. If we wanted exposure, we'd buy all five. Or maybe we just want to own two or three," says Keith Goddard, chief executive officer at Capital Advisors, an independent investment manager that oversees $1.1 billion in Tulsa, Okla.
Other newcomers represent the latest investing trend. Last month, four ETFs designed to offer low-volatility exposure to stocks hit the markets, following on the success of the $4 billion PowerShares S&P 500 Low-Volatility ETF (SPLV), which launched in 2011. PowerShares returned to the well and pushed out new versions that track small and midsize stocks. State Street issued its own versions, which track two Russell small-company benchmarks. But small-cap stocks are appealing to many investors precisely because of their volatility -- that's often what drives their excess returns. Minimizing volatility can minimize returns when small stocks rally.
Meet the New ETFs
The onslaught of new ETFs continues apace -- 19 new funds have been launched so far this year, all of them investing in small segments of the market.
|Fund||Ticker||Assets (mil)||Expense Ratio||Description|
|Barclays ETN+ Select MLP Exchange Traded Note||ATMP||$55.5||0.95%||Fund screens for MLPs by credit rating, cash flow, and other criteria|
|Global X SuperDividend U.S. ETF||DIV||2.5||0.45||Equal-weighted basket of 50 U.S. stocks, MLPs, and REITs|
|U.S. Equity High Volatility Put Write Index Fund||HVPW||2.5||0.95
||Sells put options on volatile stocks
to collect yield
ProShares Global Listed Private Equity ETF
||PEX||4.2||2.54||Owns publicly traded private-equity companies and others that commit
to owning private companies
|First Trust High Yield Long/Short ETF||HYLS
||20.1||0.95||Owns junk bonds but tries to hedge interest-rate increases|
|SPDR Russell 2000 Low Volatility ETF||SMLV||6.2||0.25||Tracks index of least-volatile small-capitalization stocks|
|SPDR Russell 1000 Low Volatility ETF||LGLV||6.2||0.20||Tracks index of least-volatile small-capitalization stocks|
PowerShares S&P MidCap
Low Volatility Portfolio
|XMLV||2.6||0.25||Tracks index of least-volatile middle-capitalization stocks|
PowerShares S&P Small Cap
Low Volatility Portfolio
|XSLV||5.2||0.25||Tracks index of least-volatile small-capitalization stocks|
|CurrencyShares Singapore Dollar Trust||FXSG||12.0||0.40||Fund aims to reflect the price in the U.S. dollar of the Singapore dollar|
|Market Vectors BDC Income ETF||BIZD||$3.2||0.40%||Tracks index made up of 25 business-development companies|
|Pimco Foreign Currency Strategy Exchange-Traded Fund||FORX||26.6||0.65||Actively managed nondollar-currency ETF|
First Trust Preferred Securities
and Income ETF
|FPE||19.3||0.85||Actively managed preferred-stock ETF|
|Yorkville High Income Infrastructure MLP ETF||YMLI||5.0||0.82||Invests only in MLPs focused on transportation and storage of oil and gas|
|Forensic Accounting ETF||FLAG||6.6||0.85||Large-cap stock fund that excludes companies deemed to employ overly aggressive accounting|
|WisdomTree Global Corporate Bond Fund||GLCB||7.5||0.45||Global corporate bond fund|
|Gold Shares Covered Call ETN||GLDI||24.9||0.65||Follows a "covered call" options strategy on the SPDR Gold Trust (GLD)|
|Global X Junior MLP ETF||MLPJ||7.1||0.75||Comprises small-capitalization
|iPath S&P MLP ETN||IMLP||30.3||0.80||Tracks MLPs in the energy- and gas-utility sectors|
|Sources: XTF; FactSet; company reports|
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http://online.barrons.com/article/SB50001424052748704836204578354621792066126.html?mod=rss_barrons_this_week_magazine
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2013-06-18T22:46:04Z
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en
| 0.900821 | 1,667 |
By JULIAN E. BARNES in London and DREW HINSHAW in Bamako, Mali
The British and U.S. defense leaders vowed Saturday to go after the perpetrators of the Algerian terrorist attacks as well as Islamist militants fighting in Northern Mali.
At a joint news conference with his British counterpart, U.S. Defense Secretary Leon Panetta said no terrorist group can attack the U.S. and "get away with it."
"Just as we cannot accept terrorist attacks against our cities, we cannot accept attacks against our citizens and our interests abroad," Mr. Panetta said at a London news conference with his British counterpart as the three-day crisis was ending on a tragic note. "Neither can we accept an al Qaeda safe haven anywhere in the world."
Philip Hammond, the British defense minister, added Britain's pledge: "The full force of the United States, United Kingdom and African countries will bear down upon them," he said.
But as U.S. officials and their allies consider their next steps in Africa, the Algeria crisis demonstrates the outer limits of U.S. influence in Africa's al Qaeda fight.
Neither defense leader on Saturday spelled out precisely what their response would be. U.S. officials have said privately in recent days that the Algerian attack may require that they step up a counterterrorism campaign against militant groups in Africa, potentially including special operations forces or increased surveillance by unmanned drones.
Mr. Panetta mentioned U.S. counterterrorism operations against al Qaeda in Afghanistan, Pakistan, Somalia and Yemen and added: "Now we will do it in North Africa." He offered no specifics.
Officials have linked the attack in Algeria with the militant groups in northern Mali, in particular Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb, that are waging a war against the central government based in the country's south, and face a week-old French intervention.
To stem a rise of al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb, or AQIM, the U.S. has dispatched military advisers and trainers to a swath of countries from Senegal to Chad.
But those officials enjoy little influence over how terrorism is fought in Algeria, the largest country in Africa, and the birthplace of AQIM, which arose from Algeria's decade-long civil war.
U.S. officials complain privately that the former client state of the Soviet Union is both too heavy-handed in its pursuit of Islamists, and simultaneously too lax at stopping the cross-border flow of foreign fighters and weapons into Mali's north.
"They've always done Soviet-style intelligence, Soviet-style operations, Soviet-style everything," said CEO Rudolph Atallah of D.C.-based risk consultancy White Mountain Research, a former Africa counter terrorism director for the U.S. Defense Department. "They see a problem, they bring a mallet, not a hammer. That's how they've always operated, and probably they'll continue."
In recent months, Algeria's stance appeared to show bending room, as Mali's civil war escalated, U.S. officials said. The partnership, at least publicly, warmed.
As Algeria sought to try negotiations with Mali's AQIM sect, the U.S. backed those talks, with Hillary Clinton echoing Algeria's pro-negotiation stance in a September speech to the United Nations. Mrs. Clinton visited Algeria in October, with counterterrorism a major issue on her agenda.
"Definitely, there's a greater openness," a U.S. State Department official, who wasn't authorized to speak publicly, said at the time. "It's an opportunity to move things forward."
Mrs. Clinton spoke several times this week with Algerian leaders, but this week's crisis raised questions about the rapprochement.
"Western countries are going to have to work with the neighboring countries… Mali, Mauritania, Niger," said Mr. Atallah. "They [Algeria] would rather do it on their own, without any outside intervention."
Earlier this month the French launched a military campaign against AQIM and other militant groups, aiming to roll back the Islamists' advance from Northern Mali.
French officials have been requesting aid from allied countries, including the U.S. U.S. officials have endorsed the French campaign, but Washington thus far has placed strict limits on its support for the intervention.
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2013-06-18T22:45:56Z
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| 0.962546 | 888 |
Genetic information stored anonymously in databases doesn't always stay that way, a new study revealed, raising concern about how much privacy participants in research projects can expect in the Internet era.
Tension has long existed between the need to share data to drive medical discoveries and the fact many people don't want personal health information disclosed. The growing use of genetic sequencing makes this even more challenging because genetic data reveals information not only about an individual, but also about his or her relatives.
In a paper published Thursday in the journal Science, researchers were able to determine the identities of nearly 50 people who had submitted genetic information as part of scientific studies. The people were told that no identifying information would be included in the studies but were warned of the remote possibility that at some point in the future, their identities might become known.
"We have been pretending that by removing enough information from databases that we can make people anonymous. We have been promising privacy, and this paper demonstrates that for a certain percent of a population, those promises are empty,'' said John Wilbanks, chief commons officer at Sage Bionetworks, a nonprofit organization that promotes data sharing, who wasn't involved in the study.
The public and scientific community are concerned about DNA privacy since they worry that genetic information—which can show susceptibility to certain diseases and other ailments—might be used by insurers, employers or others to discriminate against people.
In the new study, the researchers, led by the Whitehead Institute for Biomedical Research in Cambridge, Mass., used the genetic information of people whose genomes had been anonymously published as part of the 1000 Genomes Project, an international collaboration to create a public catalog of data from at least 1,000 people of different ethnic and population groups.
Using a computer algorithm, the researchers focused on identifying unique genetic markers on the Y chromosome of men in the project. They searched publicly accessible genealogy databases that contain both Y chromosome information and men's surnames.
Such genealogy sites, which people join in hopes of compiling their family tree, sometimes include Y chromosome data because it is passed from father to son and can be traced back generations. Some genealogy sites group such genetic information with surnames.
When they got a match to a surname, the researchers ran numerous Internet searches to collect data on each individual's family tree, including obituaries, which often list the names of a deceased's family members. They also searched for demographic data on the public website of the Coriell Institute for Medical Research, a nonprofit in Camden, N.J., that houses collections of genetic material.
With the family-tree data, they were able to identify nearly 50 men and women who participated in genetic studies. "It only takes one male,'' said Yaniv Erlich, a Whitehead fellow, who led the research team. "With one male, we can find even distant relatives.''
Dr. Erlich said the technique works best for people who have the highest participation in genetic genealogy services, upper- and middle-class Caucasian Americans. They estimated their technique would have a success rate in identifying the last names of 12% of U.S. Caucasian males in similar DNA studies.
The researchers didn't disclose the names of the DNA donors they discovered.
Hank Greely, director of the Center for Law and the Biosciences at Stanford University, said the study raises important questions about expectations of privacy. In an age when genetic information is being collected as part of medical care and can be correlated with personal information people freely post online, Mr. Greely said the medical and scientific communities need to be clear that "we cannot promise people confidentiality.''
The issue of protecting privacy in genetic studies isn't new. In 2008, geneticist David Craig showed that he was able to trace pooled genetic data that was available online back to an individual who had participated. As a result, the National Institutes of Health and the Wellcome Trust tightened access to these collections of DNA. The scientific community protested, but officials felt they had no choice because participants had been explicitly promised anonymity, said Eric Green, director of the National Human Genome Research Institute at NIH.
Dr. Green, who co-wrote a perspective piece that accompanied Thursday's paper, said steps already have been taken to make it more difficult for others to duplicate the results of Dr. Erlich's team. For instance, the ages of the people in the study no longer are publicly available on the Coriell website, said Courtney Kronenthal, director of communications and development at Coriell.
David Altshuler, co-chair of the steering committee for the 1000 Genomes Project, said the people who enrolled in the study were told that all steps would be taken to keep them anonymous, but that technological advances one day might make it possible to identify them.
Dr. Altshuler said he favors offering research participants a variety of options about how much to share.
"If they choose to share that's a very admirable thing because by sharing freely, progress for everyone is accelerated, and if someone is not comfortable we should respect that too and find ways for them to still participate in research,'' he said.
Write to Amy Dockser Marcus at [email protected]
A version of this article appeared January 18, 2013, on page A3 in the U.S. edition of The Wall Street Journal, with the headline: A Little Digging Unmasks DNA Donor Names.
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2013-06-18T22:53:23Z
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en
| 0.961454 | 1,110 |
Al Gore and his co-investors just sold liberal cable channel Current TV to Al Jazeera, the network bankrolled by the emir of Qatar. How much in carbon offsets does Mr. Gore need to balance his estimated $100 million from the sale to an oil sheik?
But there's a more serious issue here than hypocrisy. Current's owners could have simply said they sold to the highest bidder, with the emir paying an estimated $500 million for a network with viewership of only 22,000. Instead they glorified Al Jazeera.
Writing for himself and Mr. Gore, co-founder Joel Hyatt, a lawyer and Democratic fundraiser, explained: "When considering the several suitors who were interested in acquiring Current, it became clear to us that Al Jazeera was founded with the same goals we had." Among them: "to give voice to those whose voices are not typically heard; to speak truth to power; to provide independent and diverse points of view; and to tell the important stories that no one else is telling."
Mr. Hyatt also asserted that "Al and I did significant due diligence." He wrote that he spent a week at Al Jazeera's headquarters in Qatar and was impressed by the "journalistic integrity" he saw there.
More due diligence might have included a review of the close journalistic coverage over the years of Al Jazeera's Arabic and English broadcasts, which discloses the unsurprising fact that the network reflects the interests of the government that runs it—making it akin to Vladimir Putin's Russia Today and Beijing's Xinhua. The emir of Qatar, Hamid bin Khalifa Al Thani, appointed his cousin as chairman of Al Jazeera. The emir was last in the news for donating $400 million to Hamas, a terrorist organization.
Mr. Gore could have read the Middle East Quarterly profile titled "The Two Faces of Al Jazeera." The network gets good marks for programming in areas outside the emir's direct interests, but the article concludes that Al Jazeera continues "to inflame Arab resentments in its promotion of anti-Americanism, Sunni sectarianism and, in recent years, Islamism."
Founded in 1996, Al Jazeera became well known after 9/11. In a November 2001 New York Times Magazine article, Middle East scholar Fouad Ajami wrote that the network's staffers are "either pan-Arabists—nationalists of a leftist bent committed to the idea of a single nation across the many frontiers of the Arab world—or Islamists."
In 2007, the liberal Nation magazine said that "field reports are overwhelmingly negative with violent footage played over and over. . . . There's a clear underlying message: that the way out of this spiral is political Islam." Dave Marash, formerly of ABC's "Nightline," quit Al Jazeera's English-language station in 2008 when producers in Qatar ordered up anti-American programming.
In 2008, Al Jazeera threw an on-air party for Samir Kuntar when he was released from an Israeli prison. Kuntar led a Palestine Liberation Front terrorist team that kidnapped an Israeli family in 1979. He shot the father and killed the 4-year-old daughter by smashing her head against rocks along the beach. In footage available on YouTube, Al Jazeera's Beirut bureau chief hands Kuntar a scimitar to cut the celebratory cake and says: "This is the sword of the Arabs, Samir."
In 2009, Yusuf al-Qaradawi, host of the network's most popular Arabic-language show, "Shariah and Life," said on air (also available on YouTube): "Oh, Allah, take this oppressive Jewish, Zionist band of people. Oh Allah, do not spare a single one of them. Oh Allah, count their numbers and kill them, down to the very last one." Perhaps Mr. Gore doesn't have access to YouTube.
Al Jazeera's coverage of the Arab Spring has been uneven, reflecting the emir's interests. Former Al Jazeera journalist Ali Hashem wrote in London's Guardian in April that government officials had "asked the channel to cover up the situation in Bahrain," Qatar's neighbor, where a Sunni monarch is brutally suppressing a pro-democracy uprising led by majority Shiite protesters.
Judea Pearl, whose son Daniel was the Wall Street Journal reporter kidnapped and beheaded in 2002 by al Qaeda terrorists, once had high hopes that Al Jazeera would be more open than other Arab government media. But he has written that the network has "committed itself unconditionally and unabashedly to the service of Hamas and Hezbollah. . . . It is no longer a clash with journalistic standards but a clash with the norms of civilized behavior."
So it's no surprise that before buying Current, Al Jazeera managed to get access to only a few million cable households in the U.S.
News consumers understand that a former vice president justifying a big payday is not the best judge of "journalistic integrity." Arabs deserve and will some day have a network independent of any of their governments. When this happens, Americans may even watch.
A version of this article appeared January 7, 2013, on page A11 in the U.S. edition of The Wall Street Journal, with the headline: Inconvenient Truths About Al Jazeera.
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http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424127887323874204578221932173414130.html?mod=article-outset-box
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2013-06-18T22:45:52Z
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en
| 0.965658 | 1,074 |
In "Why France Can't Fight" (Review & Outlook, Jan. 28), the courage, fighting skill, élan and self-sacrifice that have epitomized the French military since 1792 seem yet again at risk of being squandered as they were in Indochina some 60 years ago, and for the same reasons. The heartbreak of reading about the French in 1953 and 1954 begging the U.S. and Great Britain for aircraft, trucks, jeeps and, finally, surplus uniforms, helmets and food—all to little or no avail—was ameliorated for Francophiles with the hope that they'd learned their lesson.
Apparently they hadn't, but that doesn't make it at all clear that France's allies "can['t] afford to see it lose." Maybe instead of using the French for proxies, the U.S. would do better by picking our fights and leading our own efforts.
Highland Park, Ill.
France wasn't alone in gutting its defenses; most of Western Europe did the same. Europe hasn't contributed its fair share to European defense in over 20 years, and providing France no-cost assistance in Mali will only ensure they never do so. Shared pain is the only path to alliance gain.
Carl O. Schuster
A version of this article appeared February 6, 2013, on page A12 in the U.S. edition of The Wall Street Journal, with the headline: U.S. Can Learn From French Lack.
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2013-06-18T22:26:29Z
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|
en
| 0.96277 | 308 |
WASHINGTON -- Business is parting from its traditional allies in the Republican Party on health care as companies and big corporate lobbyists lend tentative support to a congressional overhaul that conservative lawmakers staunchly oppose.
The rift mirrors a similar divide on other issues, including immigration and climate change, where many companies have backed legislative action that Republican lawmakers oppose.
But the health-care debate, in particular, casts a spotlight on the split in the longstanding alliance between economic conservatives and the business community. Republican lawmakers are digging in to oppose the overhaul effort as a big-spending government intrusion. Many companies, on the other hand, cite soaring costs to explain why they continue to back the congressional work under way to revamp the health-care system, despite misgivings over a range of provisions.
"We are now at a crisis point," said Joe Olivo, who has struggled to keep up with rising health costs as the president of Perfect Printing Inc., a 40-employee printing company in Moorestown, N.J.
Mr. Olivo is apprehensive about many proposed Democratic fixes, above all the push to create a government-run insurance program. But he said he was also "disappointed that the Republicans don't seem to be at the table at all."
The business world this summer largely recoiled from legislation put forward in the House, which would mandate that employers provide employee coverage and would create a public insurance option.
But companies have been far more receptive to the plan released last week by Senate Finance Committee Chairman Max Baucus. The Baucus bill, which the committee is now busy amending, wouldn't include an employer mandate. It proposes a national exchange where individuals and small businesses could purchase insurance.
Just as Sen. Baucus was preparing to unveil his plan, the Business Roundtable, a lobbying group that represents major U.S. multinationals, released a study arguing that congressional inaction was not an option.
The study found that without any changes to the current system, the cost to insure a single employee, including the person's own out-of-pocket expenses, would jump to more than $28,000 a year by 2019, from around $11,000 a year now.
"The status quo is a prescription for failure," said Eastman Kodak Co. Chief Executive Antonio Perez, who heads the group's health initiative, in a statement endorsing the study. Mr. Perez, who declined to comment further, gave a plug in his statement for the Baucus bill, calling it "a bold framework...that builds on what works and improves what doesn't."
The U.S. Chamber of Commerce, which represents about three million businesses of all sizes, has run television ads opposing the Democratic-led health-care push. And the chamber, like many other big business groups in Washington, has many concerns about the Baucus bill, particularly the taxes it proposes to help pay for its $774 billion Congressional Budget Office price tag over 10 years.
But the chamber applauded much of the Baucus bill as the first proposal "that will actually...get health-care costs under control."
"The reality with the business community is that we want reform, while some Republicans want to stop this train and start over," said Bruce Josten, the chamber's chief lobbyist. "That is just not going to happen."
Republican lawmakers predicted that businesses would soon sour on the Senate health-care package as Democrats heap on various amendments.
"I wouldn't confuse pleasant noises about the Baucus bill with an endorsement," said Republican Rep. David Camp of Michigan. "If this bill tacks left, which it is already doing, business won't support it."
Tennessee Republican Sen. Lamar Alexander said he wasn't disturbed by the interest shown by business groups in the Baucus bill. "They've got a right to say what they think," he said.
Sen. Alexander noted that "one of the ironies" in the debate was that while President Barack Obama often promises to reduce the role of special interests in policy-making, "most of the special interests are for the bill." He pointed specifically to drug makers.
Republicans have been particularly furious at the pharmaceutical industry, whose early willingness to cooperate with the White House and with Sen. Baucus proved crucial in keeping the push for an overhaul alive this summer. In June, the drug makers' lobbying group, PhRMA, cut a surprise deal with Mr. Baucus, offering to slash $80 billion in drug costs in exchange for a range of protections from the government.
That deal was shortly followed by the announcement of $150 billion in concessions by the hospital industry.
House Republican leader John Boehner blasted the PhRMA deal in a letter to the group's president, Billy Tauzin, a former Republican lawmaker.
"We have been criticized by people from both ends of the political spectrum, but we remain convinced that we are doing the right thing," said PhRMA spokesman Ken Johnson. "If health-care reform is going to be successful, it will require a shared sacrifice -- and, in our case, a stiff upper lip."—Greg Hitt and Alicia Mundy contributed to this article.
Write to Neil King Jr. at [email protected] in The Wall Street Journal, page A4
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Here is what’s going on around the Athens area today, March 8:
Oglethorpe County Primary School PTO hosts Family Movie Night: 6:30 p.m., cafeteria, Oglethorpe County Primary School; bring blankets as seating will be on the floor; photo opportunities outside with vintage cars prior to movie; Night at the OCPS Museum hosted by The Exploration Zone students will be part of the movie night and students will show their patriotism with famous presidents reports, display creative inventions and showcase weather investigations and reports and projects; free admission; reasonably priced concessions will be available for purchase; proceeds will benefit Oglethorpe County Primary School; (706) 540-9616.
National League of Pen Women, Athens Branch Meeting: 7 p.m. at the home of Judy Jones, 345 Brookwood Drive; to become a member a woman may be from any recognized field of art (writing, visual art, music, crafts, etc.) but must be able to demonstrate three examples of professional achievement within the last 5 years such as 3 juried shows or exhibits, proof of sales, publication, etc.; (706) 548-7664.
Closing Reception: “Drawing Across Borders”: 7 p.m., Gallery 307, Lamar Dodd School of Art, 270 River Road; an exhibition of works by Diane Edison, a Fulbright scholar and UGA professor, and Ekaterina Russiniova of the New Bulgarian University fine arts department; open to the public; ww.art.uga.edu.
PROGRAMS & CLASSES
Full Bloom Center, 220 N. Milledge Ave.; (706) 353-3373 or www.fullbloomparent.com:
• New Mama’s Group: 10 a.m.-noon; meet other new moms and get non judgmental support; donations appreciated.
• Yoga Crawlers: 10:30-11:30 a.m.; for moms and their babies that are ages 8 to 18 months; $14.
• Prenatal Yoga: 5:45-6:45 p.m.; $14.
• Yoga Flow: 7:15-8:15 p.m.; a challenging and fun yoga class that combines foundational yoga poses with flow sequences; for moms and dads; for all levels.
Pre-K Story Time: 10:30-11:30 a.m. and 1:30-2:30 p.m., Winder Library, 189 Bellview St., Winder: listen to stories, play music and do crafts; (770) 867-2762 or www.prlib.org/winder.
Quilters Group: 1-3 p.m., Commerce Public Library, 1344 S. Broad St., Commerce; (706) 335-5946 or www.commercega.org.
Book Signing: Author Jonell Kirby Cash: 2 p.m., Lavonia Culture Center, 12005 Augusta Road, Lavonia; Cash, a resident of Watkinsville, will sign copies of her book, “A Ring, a Dance, a Second Chance,” a love story that picks up 50 years later where characters Katie and Taylor left off; (888) 361-9473.
Big Kids Only Story time: 4:30 p.m., Athens-Clarke County Library, 2025 Baxter St.; (706) 613-3650 or www.clarke.public.lib.ga.us.
“Face Jug” and “Folk Pottery” Sculpture: 6-8 p.m. Thursdays through March 29, Oconee Cultural Arts Foundation, 34 School St., Watkinsville; explore different techniques used in making face jugs and ways to alter wheel thrown and hand built shapes and/or vessels; explore using oxides as a finish; $40 for OCAF members, $50 non-members; (706) 769-4565 or www.ocaf.com.
UGA Jazz and Percussion Ensembles: 8 p.m., Hodgson Concert Hall, UGA Performing Arts Center, 230 River Road; $18; $5 for students with a valid UGA ID card; pac.uga.edu/mastercalendar.
Word of Mouth Open Poetry Reading: 8 p.m., The Globe, 199 N. Lumpkin St.; www.athenswordofmouth.com.
Stephen Kellogg and The Sixers, Native Run, Katrina: 8 p.m., The Melting Point, 295 E. Dougherty St.; $13; (706) 254-6909 or www.meltingpointathens.com.
HotChaCha, TaterZandra, Summer People, Muuy Biien: 9:30 p.m., Caledonia Lounge, 256 W. Clayton St.; $5; $7 for ages 18-20; www.caledonialounge.com.
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ATLANTA — Sports began on American college campuses as a way for students to blow off steam and be healthy. Over the last century and a half, athletics have transformed into something very different: a handful of elite athletes, showered with resources and coaching, competing against other schools while the rest of the student body cheers from the stands.
On Thursday, Spelman College — a historically black women's college in Atlanta with a far-from-big-time NCAA athletics program — announced how it plans to return to the old model. The school said it would use the nearly $1 million that had been dedicated to its intercollegiate sports program, serving just 4 percent of students, for a campus-wide health and fitness program benefiting all 2,100.
"When I was looking at the decision, it wasn't being driven by the cost as much as the benefit. With $1 million, 80 student-athletes are benefiting," said Dr. Beverly Daniel Tatum, Spelman's president. "Or should we invest in a wellness program that would touch every student's life?"
Spelman's decision won't influence the Georgias and Ohio States of the world — where sports have become inextricable from the identity of the university. But it could attract notice at a broader band of colleges struggling with budget cuts and agonizing over whether the cost of college athletics is compatible with their missions.
For Tatum, there is also an element of social responsibility. She said a campus analysis found that almost one out of every two students has high blood pressure, Type 2 diabetes or is obese.
"I have been to funerals of young alums who were not taking care of themselves, and I believe we can change that pattern not only for them but for the broader community," Tatum said.
The Division III school has been part of the Great South Athletic Conference in seven sports, including basketball, softball and tennis. Tatum said the school was sending a letter to the NCAA saying the school would be withdrawing from the conference and would no longer have an athletics program. Instead, the school plans to expand wellness programs and renovate fitness facilities.
David Ridpath, an associate professor of sports administration at Ohio University, called the announcement eye-catching and predicted it could serve as a model at similar schools.
"I don't really look at this as a complete anomaly," said Ridpath, who is also president-elect of the Drake Group, a national faculty organization advocating for changes in college athletics. "I think there might be other schools that try to get out of the rat race and get back to the original view of we need to worry about the mind and body of our students."
Spelman is unusually well-suited for such a move as it will likely face little uproar from alumni. Tatum acknowledged that Spelman's student-athletes were disappointed when they were told last spring, but said she was hopeful it would not discourage them or future students.
"They are passionate about what they do and want to keep doing it," Tatum said. "Students who really want to be at Spelman will still come to Spelman. Athletics has been important to those students who have participated but to the overall campus community it has not been a major emphasis."
The cost of athletics can be particularly painful at HBCUs, which have struggled to maintain enrollment in recent years, due to the weak economy and tighter credit requirements that have made it harder for some of their often low-income students to get loans to pay for college.
Earlier this month, all-male Morehouse College — Spelman's sibling institution in Atlanta — announced it would furlough faculty and make other budget cuts due to lower-than-expected enrollment.
The economics of college athletics vary widely from big-time programs to Division III schools where intercollegiate athletics are little more than another extracurricular activity. At most places, they lose money for the college and typically, schools say that's fine. They argue there's educational value in athletics, and they run all sorts of programs to benefit students that aren't expected to pay for themselves, from jazz bands to the English department. It's part of the college experience.
But athletics are a part of the experience for only the tiny percentage of students who participate directly. According to the NCAA, there are about 400,000 student-athletes nationwide, but there are 18.6 million undergraduates.
The median Division 1 athletic program, including those without football, is losing about $10 million annually, according to NCAA figures.
At programs like Spelman, the losses are less severe but expenses are rising rapidly. For Division III schools with football programs, expenses from athletics have nearly doubled since 2004 to $2.9 million for the median school. At schools without football, such as Spelman, costs have more than doubled to about $1.4 million annually.
At Spelman, the wellness initiative includes spending money to help renovate the school's Read Hall, which was built in the 1950s, to make it a state-of-the-art fitness facility, with expanded hours and programs.
"We are trying to meet students where they are in terms of their interest, but also helping them understand that the elements of wellness ... are the kinds of things that are going to help them avoid the kinds of illnesses that are killing African-American women far too early," Tatum said.
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President Clinton signed into law a bill that will allow disabled Americans to keep their government-funded health coverage when they take a job.
It's a move that is long overdue. A primary function of government should be to clear away obstacles that restrict our ability to pursue the American dream via hard work and dedication.
At the same time it benefits the disabled, the law will unleash millions of talented and creative individuals back into the private sector workplace, where their work and ideas will create new wealth and new opportunities for even more Americans.
-- News Journal of Mansfield, Ohio
Athens Banner-Herald ©2013. All Rights Reserved.
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