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them were statues of the moon god Hubal, Abraham, and
Ishmael. After the idols had been smashed, Muhammad came
to the door of Kaaba and proclaimed the new dispensation,
"There is no God but God; there is none with him" (Payne
1987: 55-56; Lapidus 1988: 36; Glasse 1989: 179).
Islamic tradition from early on, viewed India as the land
par excellence of idolatry. One hadith described India as the
first country where idolatry was practised and stated that
ancient Arab idols were of Indian origin (Friedmann 1975:
214-215). Ibn Asir, author of the influential Kamilu-t Tawarikh,
noted that on the night Mahmud was born, "an idol temple in
India, in the vicinity of Parshawar, on the banks of the Sind,
fell down" (Elliot and Dowson Vol. II: 269-270). Mahmud
Ghaznavi proudly professed himself on his coins, Mahmud
butshikan, 'Mahmud the breaker of idols.' His standing in the
Islamic world rested on two interlinked successes - breaking
the idols and de-hoarding the temple treasures of al-Hind
(Wink 1997: 321). As Ibn Asir recorded, in recognition of his
services, Mahmud became the first Muhammadan king to
receive the title of Sultan from the Khalifa.
The cumulative effect of the Islamic onslaughts was a
thorough uprooting of the sacred geography of India. It would
be a phenomenal task to locate a shrine in northern India that
pre-dated the eighteenth century. Yet apologists repudiate
the theology of iconoclasm. Rather, they assert Hindu kings
routinely dishonoured temples of rivals from their own faith.
The practice of desecrating temples of adversaries had been
"thoroughly integrated" into Indian political behaviour from
around the sixth century CE. The Turks merely "followed and
continued established practices."
Further, Hindu temples have been defined as "pre-
eminently political institutions." They articulated "the shared
sovereignty of king and deity," which made them politically
vulnerable (Eaton 2002: 105-107; Eaton and Wagoner 2014:
39-40). A corollary appended to this hypothesis was that
temples emerged as centres of political resistance to the new
rulers, and had necessarily to be removed.
More recently, it has also been contended that mosques
built of temple parts displayed "a productive engagement with
local traditions of temple architecture." The reuse of temple
columns in mosques required careful architectural planning,
and conformed to indigenous principles of design. The most
elaborately carved columns were placed on either side of the
mihrab aisle, and simpler columns in the remaining spaces.
What occurred was a mere "translation"; one type of sacred
space was translated in terms of another. In the process, a
certain degree of communality between the two was
communicated (Katherine Kasdorf in Eaton and Wagoner 2014:
45-46; Eaton and Wagoner 2014: 44; Patel 2004: 144-150).
THE MANIFOLD FALLACIES
Conspicuous in the above analyses was the absence of any
reference to Hindu notions of sacred. Could the lacuna be
atributed to a particular orientation in certain scholarly circles?
No instance has been cited of appropriation of temple parts
and their radical reconfiguration in a new kind of religious
space before the Islamic advent (Willis 2012: 135).
Temples have been downgraded to transactional
institutions concerning king and deity alone; divested of all
sacredness. The millions who thronged to them over the
centuries have simply been erased from history. Also
unexplained in the medieval context, what prompted ordinary
devotees, far removed from political processes, to endanger
their lives to protect deities enshrined in temples? And why
were demolished shrines rebuilt again and again, even in the
absence of Hindu kings? Also, who led the resistance from
which temples?
2 | FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES
INTRODUCTION | 3
--- PAGE 8 ---
```json
{
"full_text": "INDESTRUCTIBLE IMAGES\nInterestingly, several works composed in the medieval era\nasserted that murtis were too suffused with divine energy to\nbe felled by iconoclasts. Dhanapala, a Jain poet and scholar\nwho was an eyewitness to the depredations of Mahmud\nGhaznavi, in his Satyapuriya Mahavira Utsaha (1024 CE), extolled\nthe power of an image of Tirthankara Mahavira at Satyapura\n(modern Sanchor in southern Rajasthan) that Mahmud failed\nto destroy; \"For can even a large number of stars dim the\nlight of the Sun or snakes swallow Garuda?\" (Yadava 1982: 2-\n4).\nAn almost identical account of that Mahavira image was\npresented by Jinaprabhasuri (1261-1333), leader of the\nKharatara Gaccha branch of the Shwetambar Jains. In his\nVividtirthakalpa (1333 CE), he wrote that when the lord of Gajjani\n(Ghazni) reached Satyapura on his return journey after\nplundering Gujara (Gujarat), he saw the beautiful temple of\nJina and tried to demolish the icon of Mahavira instated there.\nBut neither elephants nor bullocks could uproot the pratima.\nThe blows directed at it struck the vandals themselves (Yadava\n1982: 4).\nJinaprabhasuri visited ravaged Jain holy sites and recorded\nthe triumph of the faith in every instance of its encounter with\nIslam. Though kingdoms collapsed and cities were reduced\nto ruins, Jain images continued \"working their magic\" (Granoff\n1991: 196; Granoff 1998: 130-133). In a similar vein, the Acara-\nDinakara, a Svetambara text of the fourteenth century, stated\nthat images more than a hundred years old, or those installed\nand consecrated by the best of men, must continue to be in\nworship, even if mutilated (Shah and Dhaky: 269).\nINTERMENT OF IMAGES\nIn the consciousness of countless inhabitants of the\nsubcontinent, the Islamic advent became synonymous with\ndstruction of temples and deities. An inscription found at\n4 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nEtawah fort (UP) of the late twelfth century, of Maharaja\nAjayasimha, nephew of Jaichand Gahadavala, stated that the\nking and his purohit had performed a Chandi mahayaga (a great\nsacrifice for Durga) and subsequently placed the image in a\npit (gartta) so that mlecchas could not destroy it,\n... My rationality has been destroyed because of my fear of\nthe Mlecchas.\nWith great sorrow, touching her with my head (to honour\nher), I place this Durga, the dweller of the fort and destroyer\nof bad luck, into this pit, till the god Skanda turns their\n(Mlecchas) glory (Sun) to dust.\nWhen ill fate meets the Yavanas, she might re-appear, or\nmanifest herself again amidst uproar.\nUntil that time I am a fool like a drunkard. (However) let not\nfear enter you; the gods will quickly return (with victory)\nalong with you (Prasad 1990: 92-94).\nThe Durga burial was one documented case. North India\nabounded with stories of deities appearing in the dreams of\ndevotees, directing them to places of their entombment; and\nof cows shedding milk at particular spots, leading to\unearthing of pratimas (Granoff 1998: 131). Govindadevaji\n(Vrindavan), Govardhannathji (Braj), Mahavirji (Rajasthan)...\nWere these images actually hidden during invasions and\nsubsequently recovered?\nBurial of bronze images occurred on a considerable scale\nin south India. Dr. R. Nagaswamy, writing in 1987, estimated\nthat over two hundred bronzes had been found in Tamil Nadu\nalone in the previous decade. Most were unearthed by\nvillagers, not archaeologists. All were found carefully placed,\nface down, in specially dug pits often lined with brick or stone,\nand filled with sand for protection. The bronzes had generally\nnot suffered much damage, as they had been interred with\ndeep reverence and extreme care. The intention was clearly\nINTRODUCTION | 5",
"metadata": {}
}
```
--- PAGE 9 ---
to retrieve them in favourable times, and recommence their
worship. However, the threat persisted longer than
anticipated, and later generations lost track of the buried
treasures. These now reappeared sporadically and accidentally
(Nagaswamy 1987: 1-2).
The fortuitous recovery of bronzes corroborated the
incidence of mass burial in medieval India. A rough calculation
by scholars revealed that at least half the missing bronzes
were destroyed by Muslims. Equally, many hidden images
were never recovered (Dehejia 1990: 124).
In at least four cases, bronzes were found buried along
with copper plate charters. The Tiruvalangadu Nataraja was
discovered with a copper plate record of Rajendra Chola I, as
were the Esalam bronzes. The Tandantottam copper plates
were found with a remarkable group of bronzes that included
a Nataraja. The finds at Tiruttani Velanceri included two
copper plates, one of Aparajita Pallava, the other of Parantaka
Chola (Nagaswamy 1987: 2-3).
MEDIEVAL DELIBERATIONS ON ICONOCLASM
The preservation of sanctified spaces and images was a subject
of serious concern in medieval India.¹ Temple hagiographies
(mahatmyas) and site histories (sthala puranas), composed in
those times, gave considerable thought to the matter. The
Ekalinga Mahatmya, which related the history of the Ekalinga
temple in Mewar, addressed the issue of iconoclasm. Therein,
God Vayu told sage Narada that just as the demons had tried
to harm the Gods, so the yavanas had a natural tendency to
destroy divine images. Further, though the Gods had the
capacity to retaliate, they understood that conflict between
them and the demons was eternal, and each was fated to suffer
setback in turn. For periodic dissolution of the world was
part of the natural order. Vayu advised that if an image had
been desecrated, another should be consecrated to replace it,
and in unfavourable times stone images should be preferred
to costly metal ones (Granoff 1991: 191-195).
6 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES
1. The Hathigumpha cave on which the
inscription was inscribed, Bhubaneswar.
2. A statue of
Brahma found at
Ghazni. Its face
was worn out due
to the stream of
people who
walked over it.
3. A girl doing puja before fire, dated 1650-1660, Harvard Art
Museum/Arthur M. Sackler Museum, the Stuart Cary Welch
Collection.
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--- PAGE 10 ---
4. Temples of Kafir Kot and Bilot.
5. The Sun temple at
Multan and the
adjacent mosque/
tomb.
7. The Prahaladpuri
temple, Multan. A
mosque can be seen
behind the ruins.
6. An image of Surya found in
the ruins of the Sun temple at
Multan now at Ashmolean
Museum, Oxford.
8. The Narasimha pillar at
Multan. The image of
Narasimha was believed to
have been removed for
safety and subsequently
placed in a temple in
Haridwar.
--- PAGE 11 ---
9. Sharda temple, Kashmir. The photograph was taken by Samuel
Bourne in 1870, Rijksmuseum.
10. State of Sharda temple today.
11. Ruins of the Martanda temple, Kashmir. Photograph taken by John
Burke, 1868. It was reproduced by Henry Hardy Cole in Illustrations of
Ancient Buildings in Kashmir (1869). Cole wrote, "The most impressive
and grandest ruins in Kashmir are at Marttand, which is about three
miles cast of Islamabad...", courtesy British Library.
--- PAGE 12 ---
12. The Parihaspur shrine, Kashmir.
14. Hindu sculptures at the Quwaat ul Islam mosque, from
Henry Hardy Cole's The Architecture of Ancient Delhi,
Especially the Buildings around the Kutb Minar (1872).
13. Ruins of the Avantiswami temple (Kashmir) built
by Avantivarman; photograph by John Burke in 1868.
15. An old photograph of the Delhi Iron Pillar
uprooted from Udayagiri, published in Henry Hardy
Cole's The Architecture of Ancient Delhi, Especially the
Buildings around the Kutb Minar (1872).
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--- PAGE 13 ---
16. Keshavadeva temple at Mathura; the idgah can be seen nearby.
17. The Govindadeva temple, from Henry Hardy Cole's Illustrations of
Buildings near Muttra and Agra (1873). The beheaded temple was turned
into a mosque. The mihrab was removed by F.S. Growse and the temple
returned to Hindus in 1871.
19. Atala mosque
also built of
temple parts.
18. Main façade of
the Lal Darwaza
mosque at
Jaunpur, which
contained pillars
of Hindu temples
from Banaras.
Photograph by
Joseph David
Beglar, 1870,
courtesy British
Library.
20. The Adi
Visveshvara
temple built near
Raziya mosque,
which occupied
the site of the
earlier temple.
--- PAGE 14 ---
22. An old
photograph of
Gyanvapi, the
Well of
Knowledge.
21. The Gyanvapi
mosque, with the
remains of the
temple wall visible
on the back side.
24. A sketch of the Gyanvapi mosque/Vishwanath temple by James
Prinsep in 1831. There was a clash between Hindus and Muslims in
1809 when Hindus tried to construct a small shrine on the narrow strip
of land between the mosque and the temple. They seem to have succeeded,
as this sketch shows a platform on the contested ground (Eck 2015: 128).
23. Kashi
Vishwanath
temple complex,
with the Nandi
statue (photo
taken in the
1880s). Nandi is
still facing the
Gyanvapi mosque
which was
originally the
Vishwanath
temple.
25. Photograph of the Dharahara mosque built by Aurangzeb in place of
the Bindu Madhava temple, by Samuel Bourne in 1866.
--- PAGE 15 ---
26. Krishna lifting
Govardhan parvat. The
statue was found at
Bakariya Kund, which
was converted into a
Muslim site.
27. Mahakaleshwar temple, Ujjain;
photograph taken in 1869.
28. Sanskrit inscription at the Lakshman
temple, Khajuraho.
29. Image of Vishnu
Vaikuntha at the
Lakshman temple at
Khajuraho.
30. Lion capital of the fallen pillar at
Udayagiri, photograph by Joseph Beglar
in 1875, courtesy British Library.
31. The Bijamandal mandir/mosque.
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32. Pillar in the Bijamandal mandir/
mosque with an inscription of
Naravarman.
34. Inscriptions in
Sanskrit and Prakrit on
the floor of the Kamal
Maula mosque found by
K.K. Lele in 1903.
35. A photograph taken in 1912 shows the longest
piece of the Dhar Iron Pillar lying in a sloping
position in front of the Lat Masjid.
33. The Bhojashala.
36. Babur inspecting Jain
images at Gwalior Fort,
Mughal miniature painting.
37. Desecrated Jain images at
Gwalior Fort.
--- PAGE 17 ---
38. Partly ruined facade of Shaikh Jodh's mosque at Patan
(Gujarat), with pillars from Hindu temples; photograph by
Henry Cousens in the 1880s.
39. A photograph of Sun Temple at Modhera by D.H. Skyes
around 1869.
41. Ruins of the main portal of the Rudramahalaya temple, Gujarat,
1874.
42. The Rudramahalaya
turned into a mosque.
40. Mutilated image of the Sun god at
Modhera site museum.
43. Somnath temple converted into a mosque.
--- PAGE 18 ---
رهمی شد ارزوی من شهر ساله که متنوعت بود بخند بر روی
پایش در آور چود ریاستی
جواز کار مهنه خبر یا نشستی
پسند و که از من را ردو با سیا دا که برشته کنم انگار که کردم آن بوم و بکر سیم
وانسته اند و آن برن با درک رسی در خون من
44. Sadi throwing a priest
from Somnath down a well,
from a manuscript of the
Bustan, circa 1585.
45. Naganatha temple, where the
deity was placed under the
garbhagriha as a precautionary
measure.
46. Façade of Jami mosque (Bharat Mata mandir), Daulatabad.
47. Entrance to the Jagannath temple, photograph by Henry
Dixon in the early 1860s.
48. A photograph of the Sriranganatha temple by an
unknown photographer in the 1880s.
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49. Minakshi temple, Madurai.
50. The Nataraja temple, Chidambaram. Sketch by F. Swain Ward,
British Museum.
51. Colonel Alexander
Greenlaw, a British
officer and
photographer, who
took the first
photographs of
Hampi in 1856.
52. The Krishna temple, Hampi,
photographed by Colonel Alexander
Greenlaw.
--- PAGE 20 ---
53. Image of
Balkrishna instated
in the Krishna
temple by
Krishnadeva Raya,
ow in State
Museum, Chennai.
55. The temple at Tirupati.
56. The Naganathaswamy Chola temple (Thanjavur) before its
demolition.
54. Ruins of Vijayanagara; photograph by Edmund David Lyon in
1868.
57. The demolished Naganathaswamy temple.
--- PAGE 21 ---
58. A thousand year-old Ganesh statue intentionally thrown from
a mountain top in Bastar.
59. A second century BCE yakshi stolen
from Chandraketugarh, Bengal.
In Rajashekharasuri's Prabandhakosa (1349 CE), Goddess
Amba cautioned a devotee that in bad times when "so many
are outside the Faith," a costly image on display "would only
bring harm to the Faith by inviting their attacks on the temple."
A stone image was more suitable for the times (Granoff 1991:
201-202).
The Vimanarcanakalpa, a medieval priestly handbook of the
Vaishnava Vaikhanasa School, recommended interment of
images in times of danger. Laying down ritual procedures for
such acts, it stated that after preparing the burial pit and
worshipping Earth Goddess, the priest was to enter the
sanctum sanctorum and request God, "As long as there is
danger, O Visnu, please lie down in a bed with the goddess
Earth." He was to then transfer the divine energy (shakti)
located in the image to either the fixed image, or to a kurca, a
bundle of fifty stalks of sacrificial grass, which was thenceforth
to be worshipped in place of the image, as it was less likely to
incite iconoclasts (Davis 2015: 127-128).
Besides burial, various other tactics were devised to shield
images. The threat never fully abated. In 1702-03, the 84 year-
old Emperor Aurangzeb asked for information on the situation
in Somnath, where early in his reign the temple had been
demolished and worship discontinued. He ordered that if
Hindus were found to have revived worship, the temple
should be destroyed in such a manner that no trace of it
remained (Mirat-i-Ahmadi 1965: 341).2
THE FATE OF MOSQUES
If temples were symbols of royal authority, that reasoning
apparently did not apply to mosques. It would be hard to
recall a mosque built by a Muslim ruler vandalized by a
successor Muslim sovereign. In Multan, in 1006 CE Mahmud
Ghaznavi restored the Umayyad masjid built by Muhammad
bin Qasim in 712 as the place of Friday prayers. He did not
demolish the Shia mosque erected in the tenth century, just
left it to decay.
INTRODUCTION 7
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--- PAGE 22 ---
Sultan Ahmad Shah of Gujarat did not touch mosques at
Bharuch, Khambhat, and Dholka, built by the previous Tughlaq
dynasty. Instead, in 1414 CE he chose to demolish the
Rudramahalaya temple built by Jayasimha Siddharaja in 1140,
some three centuries earlier.
The shrine of Muin al-din Chishti at Ajmer was visited by
several rival Muslim rulers, beginning with Muhammad bin
Tughlaq. Even Nadir Shah planned a visit (Currie 1989: 97-
116). No one contemplated harming its sacred precincts. Babur,
on winning Delhi from the Lodis in 1526, instantly extended
patronage to Chishti institutions in the city. The pattern was
replicated when the Mughals expanded into provinces
formerly ruled by Indo-Muslim dynasties.
HINDU ICONOCLASM?
The claims of some scholars notwithstanding, a Hindu theology
of iconoclasm would be difficult to substantiate. To counter-
pose Islamic jubilation at the "bravado of iconoclasm" with
instances of Hindu desecration was dubious, at the very least
(Ahmad 2003: 38). Instances of appropriation of images by
Hindu kings in times of conflict reiterated the contrast with
Islamic iconoclasm. Almost without exception, Hindu rulers
honoured the images they acquired, thereby reaffirming a
shared sense of sacred. In the Islamic case, seizure of an image
entailed its very dismemberment.
KALINGA JINA
The earliest case known so far of image appropriation in the
Indian subcontinent dated to the 2nd-1st century BCE. A Nanda
king of Magadha was alleged to have carried away an image
of Kalinga Jina (a Jain Tirthankara), from Kalinga.
Subsequently, king Kharvela of the Mahameghavahana dynasty
attacked Magadha and retrieved the pratima. He recorded the
deed in the famous Hathigumpha inscription (Pl. 1); incised
on the roof of an artificial cave, on the southern face of
8 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES
Udayagiri hills, near Bhubaneswar³ (Epigraphia Indica Vol. XX:
71-89).
The inscription was first noticed by A. Stirling in 1825,
and published by James Prinsep from an eye-copy prepared
by Lieutenant Kittoe in 1837. Subsequently, Alexander
Cunningham published a tracing in the first volume of Corpus
Inscriptionum Indicarum. Another version was prepared by
Rajendralal Mitra in 1880. Thereafter, many leading
epigraphists examined the inscription. In 1965, D.C. Sircar
prepared what remains the critical edition of the inscription.
Line 12 of the inscription stated that king Kharvela,
causing panic amongst the people of Magadha (he) drives
(his) elephants into the Sugamgiya (Palace), and (he) makes
the King of Magadha, Bahasatimita, bow at his feet... the
Jina of Kalinga' which had been taken away by King Nanda
(was) brought home ... (Epigraphia Indica Vol. XX: 88).
The 'Jina of Kalinga' was probably a reference to
Tirthankara Sitalanatha, who was born at Bhadalapura
(Bhadrapura or Bhadrachalam) in the Godavari district.
Sugamgiya Palace was mentioned in Vishakhadatta's Sanskrit
play, Mudrarakshasa (Act III) as the residence of Chandragupta
Maurya (Epigraphia Indica Vol. XX: 85-88). The inscription was
evidence that a Jina image existed in the time of the Nandas,
i.e. in the fourth century BCE (Cort 2010: 45-46).
VATAPI GANESH
Another recorded instance of arrogation of an image related
to the Pallava king, Narsimhavarman (r. 630-668), who
defeated the Chalukya ruler, Pulakesin II (r. 610-642) in the
battle of Vatapi, in 642 CE. His general, Paranjothi brought
back from Vatapi an image of Ganesh, which he took to his
birthplace Tiruchenkattankudi, near Thanjavur, and
worshiped as Vatapi Ganesh (Dikshit 1980: 94-100).
Subsequently, Muthuswami Dikshitar (1775-1835), of the
INTRODUCTION | 9
--- PAGE 23 ---
```json
{
"full_text": "musical trinity that included besides him, Tyagaraja (1767-\n1847), and Shyama Shastri (1762-1827), composed the Vatapi\nGanapatim in Sanskrit in honour of the image. It remains\ninstated in a shrine in the Uthirapasupatheeswarar temple\ncomplex, and prayers continue to be offered to it (Ayyar 1982:\n402-404).\nBUDDHA IMAGE FROM MAGADHA\nLalitaditya Muktapida (r. 724-760 CE), the most powerful ruler\nof the Karkota dynasty of Kashmir, had a minister, Cankuna\nwho came from Tukharistan and was likely a Turk. A stupa\nwas credited to him at Parihasapura, as well as the foundation\nof two stupas with gold statues and a caitya, one of which was\nseen by the Chinese Buddhist pilgrim, Wu-kung sometime\nbetween 759 and 763 CE (Wink 1997: 74). As recompense for\nhis services, Cankuna asked the king for an image of the\nBuddha transported from Magadha,\nFavour your humble servant by giving him that image of\nSugata (Buddha), which was brought on the shoulders of\nan elephant from Magadha (Rajatarangini Vol. I: 147).\nHis request was accepted and the icon gifted to him.\nCankuna placed it in his vihara, where Kalhana, the twelfth\ncentury author of the Rajatarangini, could see it several\ncenturies later,\nthe image of the Blessed [Buddha], which [still] shines in\nits brownish (bronze) beauty as if clothed in the brownish-\nred garment [of the mendicants] (Rajatarangini Vol. I: 147).\nNAGA KALIYA\nThe Bilhari inscription (at the Chandrehe temple near Rewa)\nof the Kalachuri king, Lakshmanaraja II (r. 945-970 CE) recorded\nhis invasion of Orissa, and defeat of the Kosala ruler. He\nobtained from the Prince of Odra an image of Naga Kaliya,\nworked with jewels and gold (Memoirs of the ASI 1931: 12).\n10 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nLakshmanaraja II gifted that image to Shiva in the Somnath\ntemple in Gujarat, where he had earlier dedicated a car (ratha)\n(Madhya Pradesh District Gazetteers - Shahdol 1994: 40).\nVAIKUNTHA VISHNU\nThe Chandella ruler, Yasovarman (r. 925-950 CE) constructed\nthe Lakshmana (Vaikuntha) temple at Khajuraho for a revered\nimage of Vaikuntha Vishnu he had obtained from the Pratihara\nruler, Devapala. Verse 43 of a Sanskrit inscription found amidst\nthe ruins of the temple, stated that Yasovarman had received\nthe image from Devapala, son of Herambapala, and he placed\nit in the temple he constructed. Herambapala himself had\nacquired the image from Sahi, the king of Kira, who in turn\ngot it from the lord of Bhota, who had found it in Kailash\n(Epigraphia Indica Vol. I: 124). The journey of the image was\ntestimony to a shared sense of sacredness among various\nsovereigns.\nINJUNCTIONS ON IMAGE APPROPRIATION\nWhile discussing image appropriation, a verse in the Purva\nKarana Agama bears recalling. It stated that whenever a king\nplanned to invade the territory of a rival, he had to ensure\nthat the women, children, aged, and sick were relocated to\nsafe places and sheltered from the ravages of war.\nFurther, it was essential for a triumphant king to bring\ndeities from the vanquished kingdom, and arrange for their\nworship. Such an act would serve a dual purpose - it would\ndivest the defeated ruler of divine protection, and additionally\nensure that the pratimas remained under veneration. An\ninteresting supplement was that it was obligatory for an\noverpowered king to exert himself and retrieve the images\nwithin a span of three years (Purva Karana Agama 2003: 875-\n876; Nagaswamy 2011a: 41).\nINTRODUCTION 11"
},
"metadata": {}
}
```
--- PAGE 24 ---
IMAGES TAKEN BY CHOLA RULERS
Chola emperors brought back several images from the lands
they conquered. A Pala image of Ganesh, worshipped at the
Nageswara temple at Kumbakonam, could have been acquired
by Rajendra Chola (r. 1014-1044) during his expedition to
Bengal. Two Ganesh bronzes, one from Muthupet (Thanjavur)
and the other from Thiruvanaikka (near Trichy), resembled
the Pala Ganesh, but were cast in Tamil Nadu (Nagaswamy
2011a: 41-42).
Rajadhiraja Chola I (also known as Vijaya Rajendra Chola;
r. 1044-1052), brought back the statue of a Dwarapala from
the kingdom of the Western Chalukyas (with whom the Cholas
were frequently at war for control of the fertile Vengi region).
An inscription on the pedestal stated that the Dwarapala was
brought by Shri Vijaya Rajendra Chola after burning down
Kalyanapura (capital of the Western Chalukyas). The image
was later kept in the temple of Darasuram, the new capital
built by Rajaraja II (r. 1150-1173), and is currently in the Tanjore
Art Gallery.
A Pala Nataraja from Bengal in the Melakadambur temple,
built in the time of Kulotunga I (r. 1070-1122 CE), may not
have been taken in war. Kulottunga's rajaguru hailed from the
Bengal region, and could have brought the image for his
personal worship (Nagaswamy 2011a: 41-42).
CHALUKYA AND KALINGA PRATIMAS AT
GANGAIKONDACHOLAPURAM
Several Chalukya and Kalinga icons were found in the
Gangaikondacholapuram temple complex built by Rajendra
Chola I. The most outstanding Chalukya image was a
Suryapitha, now worshipped as Navagraha in the temple. A
sizable number of images brought from the Chalukya region
were of Durga, indicating that the goddess as the deity of
victory was a singular object of acquisition. Among other
12 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES
Chalukya images was a Ganesh, now called Kanakkupillaiyar,
In a shrine south-west of the Gangaikondacholapuram temple.
An icon of Durga was enshrined in a temple in Veerareddi
Street (Nagaswamy 1970: 59; Nagaswamy 2011a: 41-42).
The Tamil Nadu State Department of Archaeology found
three beautiful images of Kalinga origin in a mound called
Kilaichengamedu, a mile east of the Gangaikondacholapuram
temple. Near the temple was Meykavalputtur village, the
ancient hamlet of body-guards. A Durga image (actually a
Kali murti over seven feet tall), believed to have guarded the
Eastern gate of the Palace, was discovered there. Another Kali
Icon depicted the eight-armed Devi seated on a pedestal,
holding various weapons. Nearby were three Kalinga
sculptures, two representing Shiva as Bhairava, and the third
depicting Bhairavi. All were carved in the red sandstone found
at Bhubaneshwar and Konark, and were excellent specimens
of Kalinga art (Nagaswamy 1970: 59-60).
Rajendra Chola's generals, who returned from their march
to the Ganges through Kalinga, could have brought these
sculptures (of the ninth century) and erected a temple in the
capital (Nagaswamy 1970: 60-61). The three sculptures
indicated the impact of the Shakta cult on the Cholas. That
was confirmed by two Tamil literary works, Kalingattuparani
and Takkayagaaparani, which were linked to the Shakta tradition
(Nagaswamy 2011a: 41-42).
MAHAVIRA MURTI RETRIEVED AND WORSHIPPED
Jinaprabhasuri wrote of an image of Mahavira that had been
commissioned by a lay devotee, Manadeva, in the city of
Kannanaya, in the kingdom of the Cholas. It was consecrated
In Vikrama 1233, and worshipped till vs 1248. That year
Prithviraj Chauhan was defeated by Muhammad Ghori, and a
Jain lay follower, the merchant Ramadeva, sent a message to
his community, "The Muslims have taken over the kingdom.
INTRODUCTION 13
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You must keep the image of Mahavira in hiding." The image
was concealed in a heap of sand in a village. Subsequently, it
was taken to Delhi and kept in the treasure house of
Muhammad bin Tughlaq, in Tughlaqabad. The guards waited
for the Sultan to return from Devagiri to instruct them on
what to do with it. Jinaprabhasuri, who wrote in the third
person, described the incident,
He (the Sultan) had it brought from the treasure house at
Tugulakabad. In front of the entire assemblage of his
courtiers he had the image brought before him, borne there
quickly on the shoulders of his equestrian nobles, and after
he had a good look at it he handed it over to the monk
Jinaprabhasuri. With great rejoicing and much fanfare the
image was welcomed into the community and all the faithful
then together placed the image in a temple known as the
Malikatajdin Sarai. The master Jinaprabhasuri performed
the ritual of sprinkling powder over the image after reciting
some sacred words to consecrate the powder. The image
was worshipped with much ceremony.... (Shinohara and
Granoff 2006: 4-6).
Jinaprabhasuri recorded his contribution to the
preservation of his faith in the troubled times,
And everywhere his army had conquered, the Muslim Lord,
pleased with Jinaprabhasuri, the ornament of the Kharatara
lineage of monks, by an edict ensured the safety of Jain holy
sites, like the Glorious Satrunjaya, Girinar and
Phalavardhi.... What more need I say, for everyone can see
how the Lord of Men, the Muslim ruler, won over by the
excellent qualities of the master Jinaprabhasuri, performs
so many services for the Jain faith.
Every morning as the sun rises the auspicious sounds of
conch shells reverberate from the many Jain temples...And
just as monks did when the Hindus ruled, and the times
were not so evil, Jinaprabhasuri roams freely, spreading the
Jain faith... (Shinohara and Granoff 2006: 17).
14 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES
BALAKRISHNA AT VIJAYANAGARA
Krishnadeva Raya, the greatest of Vijayanagara kings, acquired
A stone image of Balakrishna from a temple in Orissa after his
victory over the Gajapati ruler, Prataparudra. He instated the
image in the Krishna temple he constructed at Hampi, in 1515
(South Indian Inscriptions Vol. IV, Nos. 254-255: 44-50).
APPROPRIATED ICONS VENERATED, NOT VIOLATED
None of the instances mentioned above entailed desecration
of a temple or image. If images were brought as trophies of
war, as some have alleged, they remained objects of reverence.
Indeed, in several cases they continue to be worshiped till
today.
HINDU ICONOCLASTS?
Some instances of Hindu defilement of Buddhist and Jain
places of worship have been cited, but the evidence was "too
vague to be convincing" (Wink Vol. II 1997: 308-310).
Foremost among Hindu rulers described as iconoclasts
was Shashank, who became king of Gauda sometime before
606 CE, with his capital at Karnasuvarna (present day
Murshidabad). The story of his persecution of Buddhists was
mentioned in a twelfth century text, Arya-manjusri-mulakalpa
which repeated the statements of Chinese traveller, Hiuen
Tsang. R.C. Majumdar regarded it "extremely unsafe" to accept
statements made in that work as historical (Majumdar 1943:
64).
While travelling in Magadh in 637-38 CE, Hiuen Tsang
reported that Shashank had cut down the Bodhi tree in Gaya
where Buddha had attained enlightenment, and also ordered
the removal of a Buddha image in a neighbouring temple.
According to Hiuen Tsang, when the king learnt that his order
on the Bodhi tree had been implemented, he was "seized with
terror; his body produced sores; and his flesh rotted off, and
after a short while he died" (Beal Book II 1884: 122).
INTRODUCTION | 15
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The accounts of Buddhist writers could by no means "be
regarded unbiased or unprejudiced," at least as far as Shashank
was concerned. For Shashank had been engaged in a prolonged
power struggle with Harsha of Kanauj (r. 606-647), a patron
of Buddhism. The hostility of Hiuen Tsang and Banabhatta,
noted Sanskrit poet at Harsha's court, gave Shashank a bad
name. According to Majumdar, such religious intolerance was
rare in ancient India. He regarded Shashank as "a great king
and a remarkable personality during the first half of the seventh
century A.D." (Majumdar 1943: 67).
The Bodhi tree was said to have been restored a few
months later by Purnavarman, king of Magadha (Sinha 1977:
147). In the course of one night it was said to have grown to a
height of over three metres, which was clearly an anomalous
situation (Wink 1997: 310).
Also on the list of Hindu vandals was king Sankara
Varman (r. 883-902 CE) of Kashmir (son of the great
Avantivarman of the Utpala dynasty). He never desecrated a
temple or image, confining himself to temple lands and
treasures. As the Rajatarangini stated,
This robber of what temples possessed in villages and other
(property), established two new (revenue) offices....He took
from the temples the profits arising from the sale of incense,
sandal-wood, and other (articles of worship), under the
pretext that they were the (king's legal) share of the selling
price. Then, again, he plundered straightway sixty-four
temples, through special officers (placed over them) under
the pretext of (exercising) supervision. The king resumed
the villages which belonged to the temples, against a
compensatory assignment (pratihara), and (then) cultivated
the land himself as (if he were) an agriculturist
(Rajatarangini Vol. 1: 206).
Sankara Varman was credited with the construction of
the Samkaragaurisa and Sugandhesa Shiva temples, and the
appointment of a Brahmin well-versed in the four Vedas, as
their custodian (Chaku and Chaku 2016: 86).
16 | FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES
Another king of Kashmir, Harsa (r. 1089-1111) of the
Lohara dynasty, certainly defiled images. The Rajatarangini
was unequivocal, "There was not one temple in a village, town
or in the city which was not despoiled of its images by that
Turuska, King Harsa" (Rajatarangini Vol. 1: 353).
The colossal image of Buddha in the Rajavihara at
Parihasapura (built by king Lalitaditya), was among the few
that escaped being melted down by Harsa. However, the
Rajavihara itself was burnt down in the war between Harsa
and his cousin, Uccala (of the second Lohara dynasty; 1101-
1111). The silver image of Vishnu Parahasakesava was carried
away and broken by Harsa. A new statue was instated by
Uccala, when he ascended the throne (Rajatarangini Vol. II:
302).
Kalhana, while narrating the exploits of Harsa, bestowed
on him the title "Turuska," i.e. Muhammadan, and made a
reference to Turuska captains employed in his army and
enjoying his favour. Was he "instigated or encouraged
somehow by the steady advance of Muhammadanism in the
neighbouring territories?" (Stein "Introduction" in Rajatarangini
Vol. 1: 113). Kashmiri poetess, Lalla who condemned image
worship, also appeared to have been influenced by Islamic
ideas on iconoclasm (Wink 1997: 311).
A RARE OCCURRENCE
The Rajatarangini recorded a rare instance of wanton
destruction of an image by a Hindu king. Lalitaditya once
promised safe passage to the ruler of Gauda (Bengal); but
killed him at Trigrami, "though he had made the glorious
[image of Visnu] Parihasakesava a surety [for his guest's safety]"
(Rajatarangini Vol. I: 152). The Gauda king's servants came to
Kashmir on the pretext of visiting the shrine of Sharda, to
avenge the murder of their leader. They resolved to attack
the image of Parihasakesava, which had been made a surety
and was the favourite object of Lalitaditya's devotion. Seeing
INTRODUCTION | 17
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them eager to enter while Lalitaditya was away, the attendant
priests closed the gates of the temple of Vishnu Parihasakesava.
After a forceful offensive, the Gaudas reached the silver
statue of Vishnu Ramasvamin, and mistaking it for that of
Parihasakesava, broke it to dust (Rajatarangini Vol. I: 152-153).
(Lalitaditya had noticed the silver image of Vishnu Ramasvamin
in a remote part of Kashmir some years earlier, and built a
small shrine for it near the temple of Vishnu Parihasakesava).
The Gauda troops scattered the particles in all directions,
"while they were all being cut up by the soldiers who had
come from the city [Srinagara]" (Rajatarangini Vol. I: 153).
Kalhana wrote of the long journey they had undertaken, and
their devotion to their dead sovereign,
Even the creator cannot achieve what the Gaudas did on
that occasion. To this day even the temple of Ramasvamin is
seen empty, whereas the whole world is filled with the fame
of the Gauda heroes (Rajatarangini Vol. I: 153).
CASE OF MUSLIM INVADERS AND RULERS
In an overwhelming number of cases of image appropriation,
victorious Hindu kings instated them in grand temples. Muslim
rulers destroyed entire temples, and where that was not
feasible, disfigured the images.4 The evidence was strewn all
over the subcontinent. Alberuni wrote of some images that
Mahmud Ghaznavi seized,
The city of Taneshar is highly venerated by the Hindus. The
idol of that place is called Cakrasvamin, i.e. the owner of the
cakra, a weapon which we have already described. It is of
bronze, and is nearly the size of a man. It is now lying in the
hippodrome in Ghazna, together with the Lord of Somanath,
which is a representation of the ... Linga [of Mahadeva]...
(Alberuni 1910: 117).
Excavations at Ghazni confirmed that images were taken
to Ghazni "for recontextualization and display" (Flood 2009:
18 | FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES
32). Among the findings was an image of a Tirthankara. The
Italian Archaeological Mission, during excavations in Ghazni
in 1957-58, at a site referred to as the "Palace," found a statue
of Brahma, 0.98 metres high, broken in eight pieces, which
could be joined together, with the torso missing (Pl. 2).
Umberto Scerrato, who wrote a summary report of the
excavations, described the find as, "... an un-hoped for and
stimulating evidence of the trophies brought along to Ghazni
from India, following the triumphs of the Ghaznavids."
He quoted medieval historians to buttress his hypothesis.
Utbi had recorded that Mahmud Ghaznavi used gold from
images he brought from Somnath to build the Arusu 'l-Falak
mosque. Sibli noted that Mahmud transported a veritable
museum from India. Ferishta stated that Mahmud had the
Somnath statue broken into pieces, which he used in the
threshold of the Arusu 'l-Falak mosque (Scerrato 1959: 29,
39).
Scerrato noted that the face of the Brahma statue had been
"completely wiped out, destroyed, it would seem, not by
iconoclastic fury but slowly worn away by passing feet, its
appearance being much like medieval tombal stones in church
pavements" (Scerrato 1959: 39-40). It would be hard to mention
instances of murtis subjected to such fate by victorious Hindu
rulers.
THE MEDIEVAL RESPONSE
This work examines the medieval response to temple
destruction and image desecration.5 While temples were
destroyed on a considerable scale, also noteworthy were the
repeated endeavours to reconstruct them.6 In each instance of
rebirth, the temple retained its original name, even though
there was a visible downsizing in its scale and grandeur. The
Keshava temple at Mathura, the Vishwanath temple at Kashi,
the Somnath temple in Saurashtra, the Rama mandir at Ayodhya
were among the shrines continually restored, well after
INTRODUCTION | 19
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Hindus had lost all semblance of political power. The Bindu
Madhava, the most important Vishnu temple in Varanasi, was
demolished in 1669 and a mosque constructed in its place.
The temple now bearing the name Bindu Madhava is a modest
structure in the shadow of the mosque, but continues the
traditions associated with the site.
In multiple cases, the reconstructed shrines had unknown
patrons, pointing to the feebleness of the theory that restricted
temples to an alliance of king and deity. Intriguingly, mosques
built on temple sites often retained the sacred names –
Bijamandal mosque, Lat masjid, Atala masjid, Gyanvapi
mosque, and not to forget, masjid-i-janamsthan.?
Equally worthy of study was the fate of images enshrined
in temples. Many were swiftly removed by anxious devotees,
many more were hurriedly buried; some remained on the
move for decades, till such time they could be escorted back
to their abodes. In several cases, images were damaged in
flight. Countless images were lost, as their places of burial
were forgotten over time. That necessitated the consecration
of new images in more peaceable circumstances. So there were
temples of the tenth-eleventh centuries, which housed images
instated in the sixteenth. In situations where neither temple
nor image could be safeguarded, the memory endured, and a
shrine was recreated after an interval of several centuries.
Truly innovative, in the face of Muslim political presence
and decline of large-scale temples, was the recourse to kirtan,
bhajan, katha, lila, which did away with the need for images,
while indicating the resilience of faith. In the case of lilas, the
human being substituted for the image. Lilas (dramas) in their
present form are said to have originated in the Banaras region,
during or shortly after the lifetime of Tulsidas. Their
performance from the outset was linked to the Ramcharitmanas
(Hein 1972: 105-25, 223-71).
Lilas were associated with the philosophy of the Bhakti
movement, which embraced all sections of society, and thus
20 | FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES
displayed "positive strengths of their own." Ramlila enacted
on open grounds, expressed notions of cosmography and
pilgrimage that aimed "at reclaiming and transforming the
mundane world" (Lutgendorf 1994: 254-255).
The decentralized nature of Hinduism also ensured that
devotees could worship their deities at home when temples
were under siege. A Mughal miniature painting portrayed a
peasant girl cupping a brazier in her hand, appearing to revere
the fire (Pl. 3).
This is clearly not a comprehensive survey of the fate of
every temple and image in every region in the medieval era.
A few illustrative examples have been presented to bring to
the fore this less deliberated dimension of Indian history. What
was notable was that most acts of desecration were the
handiwork of invaders, sultans, or emperors. There was not
much evidence of involvement beyond political circles. Deities
in flight were shielded by countless ordinary devotees, while
royal personages of varying stature participated in their
reinstatement.
The chapter-wise breakup of the book remains rather
unsatisfactory. It was difficult to adhere to a strict temporal
or spatial framework. Different regions were attacked at
different times by different people, and within regions some
temples were repeatedly desecrated over the centuries. The
fact that regional boundaries were not sharply etched added
to the difficulties. These constraints have influenced the layout
of the book. As each chapter stands alone, it is hoped this
would not cause too much disquiet to the reader.
I have incurred many debts in writing this work, which
I am happy to acknowledge. My deepest gratitude is to
Dr. R. Nagaswamy, who shared his wealth of knowledge on
the subject and gifted books not readily accessible. I benefitted
enormously from discussions with the fine scholar and art
historian, Dr. Kirit Mankodi who has also been actively
engaged in tracking stolen artefacts in foreign lands. He kindly
INTRODUCTION | 21
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provided me with many of his writings on heritage sites in
Central India and Gujarat. Shri B.M. Pande has always been
most helpful and offered valuable suggestions on an earlier
draft. He was also instrumental in the publication of some of
my earlier works. Dr. B.R. Mani first provided details of the
deity of the Sikarwar Rajputs, and its flight after the battle of
Khanua. Madhukar Shah of the erstwhile Orchha royal family,
narrated oral traditions of the Rama murti his ancestor, queen
Ganesh Kunwari brought from Ayodhya.
Professors Y. Sudarshan Rao and Kiran Kranth Chowdhary
facilitated a visit to Tirupati, which proved extremely useful.
Hariprasad Nellitheertha gladly translated Sri Vadiraja
Tirtha's Teertha Prabandha for me. Vishal Aggarwal is an
invaluable source person for anyone working on Indian history,
and I gladly accept his support. Vikas Saraswat provided a
copy of Sri Nathji ki Prakatya Varta, along with an excellent
English translation. Swadesh Singh patiently heard my various
formulations on the theme. Michel Danino has encouraged
every endeavour of mine, for which I remain beholden.
Through my decades long association with him, Koenraad
Elst has remained most generous and supportive.
I have used many libraries while writing this book, but
would like to especially record my gratefulness to Dr. Jyotsna
Arora of the Indian Council of Historical Research. She was
quick to track the innumerable books and articles I requested,
always with a smile.
I am indebted to Indic Academy, and its founder Hari
Kiran Vadlamani, for enthusiastic endorsement of my research
and for hosting my first talk on the theme of this book.
Abhinav Agarwal was appreciative of my earlier works, for
which I am obliged. Rajiv Malhotra is a tireless soldier of Indic
civilization. I thank him for his inspiration.
Finally, my heartfelt thanks to Vikas Arya, a most
accommodating and understanding publisher, who spares no
effort to make every book look so special and beautiful.
22 | FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES
NOTES
1. Images seemed intrinsically linked with belief systems in India.
The large number of mother goddess figurines found at sites
of the Indus Valley Civilization could indicate worship in
private residences. Kautilya, in the Arthasastra, mentioned the
abundance of temples and shrines for the family deity of the
king, and tutelary deities of various groups living in different
quarters of Pataliputra (Kautilya 1992: 54).
Inscriptional and archaeological evidence from Mathura
inindicated the existence of a Jain stupa by at least the first
century BCE. In addition, four inscriptions confirmed the
presence of several Jain shrines in Mathura, from the second
century BCE. Among their patrons was a layman who gifted
the arch (torana) for a temple; a laywoman who bequeathed a
temple; a woman, who along with her entire household
donated a Jina shrine; and a woman who installed an image
of Mahavira in a Jina temple and also bequeathed a shrine.
Possibly, the culture of shrines originated in the second century
BCE, but was certainly in existence by the first century BCE.
Images developed almost simultaneously in the three
traditions, possibly in Mathura (Cort 2010: 18, 30-32).
In 1937, some villagers in Lohanipur found Jina images near
the site of ancient Pataliputra. The finds included two stone
torsos in the bed of an abandoned canal. The villagers placed
them in a nearby mango orchard and began to worship them.
The larger torso was a little over two feet tall, the smaller one
around a foot high. K.P. Jayaswal of Patna Museum said the
larger torso was "the oldest Jaina image yet found in India,
and it must belong at the latest to the Mauryan period," i.e.
third century BCE. This was confirmed by an excavation at the
site which revealed a Mauryan coin, and several Mauryan
bricks that formed the foundation of a square temple,
measuring 8 feet and 10 inches on each side. Jayaswal dated
the second image several centuries later than the taller one
(Cort 2010: 32-34).
2. The tenacious pledge to a sacred site was continually
displayed. At the edge of Cholistan desert, was a tenth century
temple, now known as Pattan Munara (Pl. 4). The Pakistani
INTRODUCTION | 23
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archaeologist, Rafique Mughal identified its tower as the
"remains of a pre-Islamic shrine," and the site as "early
historical and Islamic." Till the nineteenth century, an
important annual fair used to be held at Pattan Munara. Early
British Gazetteers recorded, "The Hindu Rajas and chiefs of
Sindh, Bikaner, and Jaisalmer used to visit the tower as late as
the beginning of the 18th century and annually celebrated a
mela, called Shivaratri, in the month of Mangh." A structure
was pulled down in the nineteenth century, and a mosque
built to discourage Muslim women from worshipping the
temple's linga (Meister 2010: 52-57).
Michael Meister, who studied the Salt Range and Indus
temples, noted 'continuity of local worship,' and the use of
the same spot for Hindu shrines. The Katas Raj temple still
had a stairway in the southern wall of its entry portico that
led to an upper ambulatory chamber. The temple was
repeatedly rebuilt and repaired to keep it in active worship
(Meister 2010: 16).
An interesting find of buried statuaries came from Sanghol,
Punjab. The site was not identified through a textual source. It
was only after excavations commenced and the size of the site
was realized that a textual identification was made. In the
early twentieth century, the villagers of Sanghol frequently
unearthed antiquities when tilling their fields. Though they
informed archaeologists about their finds, they were not taken
seriously. A resident of Sanghol, G.B. Sharma, who after a
career in the Air Force earned an M.A. in Archaeology from
Kurukshetra University, brought his collection of coins and
seals to archaeologists A.K. Narain and Dr. Chhabra, for their
assessment. After his finds were reported in local newspapers,
the Government of Punjab stepped in (Michon 2010: 72-74).
Altogether thirteen archaeological excavations spread over
several sites were undertaken by three archaeological units
under two separate bodies. S.S. Talwar and R.S. Bisht, under
the Punjab Government Archaeological Department,
excavated for five seasons from 1969 to 1973. The excavations
revealed two Buddhist stupas (nos. 1 and 2) in the area SGL-
5 and SGL-11 respectively (Kuwayama 1997: 133). During the
third excavation season (1970-71), Talwar and Bisht noticed
24 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES
a small mound on the north of the Hathiawara or Citadel that
was locally known as "the Manthan". They unearthed the
spokes of a stupa's anda, and another structure to the east
they called 'a Bodhi tree enclosure' (Michon 2010: 86-87;
Michon 2015: 213).
On 1st February 1985, Yog Raj, a member of G.B. Sharma's
team, discovered in a pit a hoard of 117 Mathura sculptures
on 69 upright pillars, 13 coping stones, and 35 cross bars at
the excavation site SGL-5 (Yog Raj 1985: 15-16). Sanghol was
located on the route from Mathura to Gandhara. Stupa 1 at
Sanghol resembled a typically Gandhara stupa, while the 117
pieces found as a hoard buried in the earth were of the Mathura
school. S.P. Gupta noted the close resemblance of the stupa
railings with those of Kankali Tila, raising the possibility that
the Sanghol stupa belonged to the early Kushan period of the
first to second century CE (Kuwayama 1997: 136). The
excavations suggested that SGL-5 was founded in the late
2nd to early 1st century BCE. It was in use till the 4th and 5th
century CE. Excavations at SGL-11 indicated that the complex
had been used between the 2nd century BCE and 5th century CE
(Michon 2015: 219, 227). The report on the ASI excavations
seemed to have been written by Sharma, who knew the area,
"Phase II-B contains kiln baked cakes - I hazard a guess that
this is some sort of fire worship. Still today in the area on
Dussehra, such cakes with finger marks in the centre are
prepared of cow dung. They are then smeared with curd, rice,
and sweets, threads are wound around them: [that is] bade
baderian di pooja - worship of the elders. These customs, which
may not find any literary reference, still continue in the society
even today" (Michon 2010: 79-80). Being from Sanghol, Sharma
was able to note that this ancient custom had survived till his
time.
In trench BX-I at SGL-2, a pit labelled 'Ia' contained several
antiquities. It seemed to have been intentionally created to
contain 'stashes of antiquities.' Why were these artefacts
burried together? (Michon 2010: 80). Could it be an emergency
devise in the face of a sudden threat?
3. Several inscriptions in the Hathigumpha cave, dated up to
the tenth-eleventh centuries CE, confirmed it was a sacred site
INTRODUCTION | 25
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of long standing. That could be the reason Kharvela chose it
for his inscription. Possibly Mahavira had preached there.
Line 14 of the inscription clearly referred to the preaching of
Jainism. The inscription, in Prakrit, seemed to have been
composed by a Jain monk from Gujarat or Maharashtra
(Epigraphia Indica Vol. XX: 72-73). The inscription contained
perhaps the first mention of Bharadhvasa (Sanskrit
Bharatavarsha), which referred to the plains of northern India
(Epigraphia Indica Vol. XX: 78).
4. The Muslim invasions that commenced in the seventh century
CE had a great bearing on the history of India. Many fierce
battles were fought in Sindh and elsewhere in the northwest,
in which local rulers offered stiff resistance to the invaders.
An early reference to the Tajikas (Arabs?) occurred in the Kavi
plate from Broach district, Gujarat, dated 736 CE. It acclaimed
the military prowess of Jayabhata IV, a Gurjara feudatory of
the Maitraka ruler of Valabhi, against Tajikas. Jayabhata was
able, "even as a cloud extinguishes with its showers the fire
that troubles all people," to put an end to the unending
miseries of the people (asesa-loka-santapa). A military raid had
taken place on the city of Valabhi from Sindh, which had
fallen to the Arabs in 712 CE (Chattopadhyaya 1998: 32).
The Navasari plates of the Chalukya ruler, Avanijanashraya
Pulakesin, dated 739 CE, listed the ruling houses that had been
overwhelmed by attacks of the Tajikas. It stated, "When the
army of the Tajikas, which poured forth arrows, javelins
and iron-headed clubs; which destroyed, with its rapidly
brandished and glittering swords, the prosperous Saindhava,
Kacchella, Saurastra, Cavotaka, Maurya and Gurjara and other
kings ..." (Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum Vol. IV Part 1-2: 137-
145). The invasions were undertaken by the officers of Junaid,
general of Khalifa Hasham. Avanijanashraya Pulakesin
routed the Arabs near Navasari, and turned back the tide of
invasions from peninsular India. A somewhat later
inscription of Pratihara Vatsaraja, dated 795 CE, referred to the
Pratihara rulers, Nagabhata I and Vatsaraja, and their victories
over Mleccha kings (Epigraphia Indica Vol. XXXXI: 49-57).
An early epigraphic reference to the Turushkas (Turks?) as
political adversaries occurred in a fragmentary inscription
26 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES
found at Hund, Attock district, Pakistan. The inscription, in
Sharda characters and Sanskrit language, was assigned, on
palaeographic grounds to the second half of the eighth century
CE. It referred to the defeat of a Muslim army in the Sindhu
country by the local ruler, Anantadeva, whom it lauded "as
dexterous in the task of incessantly striking down the growing
and formidable might of the Turushkas." The recovery of the
inscription from Hund indicated that his kingdom bordered
on Muslim holdings in Gandhara and Multan. The epithet,
udrikta-Turushka-pushkala-bala-kshep-aika-dakshatman, implied
that he had struggled unceasingly to defeat the invaders
(Epigraphia Indica Vol. XXXVIII Part I: 94-98).
5. A considerable number of "Hindu epics of resistance" were
produced in the medieval period, particularly in Rajasthan,
which embodied tales of Rajput resistance to Muslims (Ahmad
2003: 41-45).
6. In medieval India, sacred structures of non-Islamic faiths were
edged out of public view. Excluding Rohtas (Bihar), the
headquarters of Raja Man Singh in Bihar, almost no temples
existed in Mughal palace towns. Man Singh constructed the
Govindadeva temple at Vrindavan in the reign of Akbar, but
that was a pilgrimage centre and had no Muslim buildings
(Asher 2002: 122-123).
In the Mughal capital of Shahjahanabad, mosques occupied
commanding positions on the main roads of every
neighbourhood. There was no area that had temples and no
mosques; not even Hindu-populated sections like Katra Neel
(Asher 2002: 125-128). That was in accordance with Shah
Jahan's decree that "in every lane, bazar, square, and street" a
mosque was to be found (Blake 1986: 180-181). A map of the
city, dated around 1850 CE, showed most of the mosques of
Shahjahanabad, but provided virtually no information on
Hindu, Sikh, and Jain religious edifices (Ehlers and Krafft
2003: 21).
An archaeological survey conducted in the early twentieth
century listed 200 mosques constructed in the city between
1639 and 1857, of which half were built in the Mughal heydays,
between 1639 and 1739. No temples were constructed in that
period. Fifteen temples were built during the years 1739-1803,
INTRODUCTION | 27
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when Mughals were no longer dominant; and a record eighty-
one in the period of British ascendancy in the city, from 1803
to 1857 (Blake 1991: 52, 110, 181). Even the temples constructed
in Shahjahanabad between 1739 and 1857 were all virtually
invisible, perhaps the result of a deliberate effort to keep them
concealed from public view. There was nothing to even
indicate their existence. Most were just small openings in
alcoves, located in private courtyards surrounded by high
walls. None of the temples built in the city in that period had
the hallmark shikhara. The Digambar Jain Mandir and the
Gauri Shankar temples were built later. The shikhara in the
Kalkaji temple in south Delhi was added in 1816 (Asher 2002:
127-135).
The prototype of visible mosques and hidden temples was
established early on. In Rohtas, for instance, the Jami Mosque
was noticeable on the main arterial road, while a small temple
built by Man Singh could not be seen from a distance. Local
tradition had it that the mosque site was originally intended
for a temple, but was turned into the Jama Masjid "for fear of
the Emperor" (Ali 1983: 131-132). In his home state of Amber
as well, a huge mosque was erected on the Delhi highway on
Akbar's orders, while Man Singh's own Jagat Shiromani
Temple, built in memory of his eldest son, remained veiled
from public gaze.
In response to the felt need for unobtrusive shrines, Jain
temples at Abu, Ranakpur, and Sanganer did not appear as
temples from outside. In cities like Varanasi too, mosques were
the conspicuous structures. Ahilya Bai Holkar's Visvanatha
temple was built in a side lane of the Gyanvapi mosque (Asher
2002: 124-125).
7. The spectre of iconoclasm continued to manifest itself even in
the twentieth century. The Bamiyan Buddhas, "the largest
Buddhist sculptures in the world", had been carved out of
rocks of the Hindu Kush mountains sometime between the
3rd and 5th centuries CE. They were damaged following
Genghis Khan's annihilation of Bamiyan in 1221 CE. Later
Nadir Shah also attacked the images. The legs were reportedly
broken on orders of Aurangzeb (Sengupta 2002: 142-143). Both
statues were blown up by the Taliban in March 2001, after
28 | FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES
which the Justice Ministry issued a statement, "We have
obeyed the orders of Allah by destroying the idols." The
Taliban Minister for Information stated that the decision to
destroy the Buddhas was taken on the advice of four hundred
ulema across Afghanistan, who declared the statues un-Islamic
(Pattanaik 2002: 138).
The Bamiyan Buddhas were not associated with any Buddhist
or Hindu kingly power, certainly not in the twenty first
century. They had to go because they were "idols". As the
Lion of Al Lat, the temple of Bel, the Arch of Triumph, and
countless heritage sites and statues in Syria, Iraq, Afghanistan,
and other countries that fell victims to iconoclasm.
INTRODUCTION | 29
--- PAGE 33 ---
2
Sunset in Multan
The hypothesis that temples represented a mere alliance
of king and deity was first tested in Multan. Hindus of
the region, well after losing their kingdom to invading
Arabs and Turks, struggled to remain faithful to their gods.
With no king to protect them, for centuries they restored
demolished temples and deities, till not a glimmer of hope
remained...
EARLY HISTORY
Multan has been identified as the capital of the Malli people,
who offered a stiff challenge to Alexander during his invasion
of 326-325 BCE. It was known by several names, Kasyapapura,
Hansapura, Sambapura, Prahladpura, and Adyasthana, all
invocations to Vishnu or Surya. Tradition held that Multan
was founded by Kasyapa, father of the twelve Adityas (or
Sun gods) by Aditi; and of the Daityas (or Titans) by Diti. He
was succeeded by his eldest son, Hiranya-kasipu (the Daitya),
who refused to accept the omnipresence of Vishnu. Vishnu
manifested himself in his Narasimha avatar at Multan during
30 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES
the reign of Hiranya-kasipu, whose son Prahalad was his
ardent devotee. Hiranya-kasipu's great-grandson, Banasur
was an adversary of Krishna.
Krishna's son, Samba, was said to have instituted Sun
worship. The Samba Purana stated that Samba was cured of
leprosy due to his devotion to Surya. As a mark of
thankfulness, he constructed the Sun temple at Multan.
According to the Bhavishya Purana, the name Adyasthana was
used for the temple Samba built. Adya could well have been a
corruption of the word Aditya or Sun (Cunningham 2006: 196-
199; Hasan 2008: 86). The Bhavishya Purana also mentioned the
existence of a golden image of Surya. The ancient belief in the
origins of Multan validated its importance at the dawn of
Indian history.¹
CHINESE TRAVELLER DESCRIBED SUN TEMPLE
The Sun temple acquired great fame throughout India.² An
early account of its sanctity was provided by the Chinese
Buddhist scholar and pilgrim, Hiuen Tsang (602-664 CE) who
came to Multan in 641 CE, in the time of the Rai dynasty. He
called the city Meulo-san-pu-lo, Mulasthanpura (city of the
frontier land), which was the first known mention of the name.
Hiuen Tsang saw the splendidly attired golden icon in the
Sun temple,
There is a temple dedicated to the Sun, very magnificent
and profusely decorated. The image of the Sun-deva is cast
in yellow gold and ornamented with rare gems. Its divine
insight is mysteriously manifested and its spiritual power
made plain to all. Women play their music, light their torches,
offer their flowers and perfumes to honour it. This custom
has been continued from the very first. The kings and high
families of the five Indies never fail to make their offerings of
gems and precious stones (to this Deva). They have founded
a house of mercy (happiness), in which they provide food,
and drink, and medicines for the poor and sick, affording
SUNSET IN MULTAN | 31
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succour and sustenance. Men from all countries come here
to offer up their prayers; there are always some thousands
doing so (Beal 1884 Vol. II Book XI: 274-275).
THE ARABS IN SINDH
The most detailed account of the conditions in Sindh just prior
to the establishment of Arab rule was provided by the Chach
Namah, a Persian translation of an Arabic work by Ali, son of
Muhammad Kufi, in 1216 CE. Two subsequent works - Tarikh-
i-Masumi or Tarikh-i-Sind and Tuhfatu-l-Kiram - based their
histories of that period on the Chach Namah. According to these
chronicles, Hinduism and Buddhism flourished alongside at
the time of the Arab invasions (Cousens 1929: 13).
The first Arab attack on Sindh occurred just a few years
of the death of Prophet Muhammad. Intermittently for the
next seventy-five years, the Arabs continued their advance,
raiding and then annexing parts of Makran, the arid
mountainous region of Sindh. Finally, in 711 CE an Arab army
under the command of Muhammad bin Qasim, conquered the
province.
Buddhists were then numerically strong and influential in
the Indus Delta region, but few in Upper Sindh. Hindus were
dominant in Upper Sindh, and equalled Buddhists in Lower
Sindh and Makran (Maclean 1989: 6-7, 14). The two
communities responded differently to the Arab advent.
Buddhists tended to collaborate to a significantly greater extent
and at an earlier date than Hindus. During the period of Arab
ascendancy, Buddhism disappeared wholly as a viable
religious system. Alberuni, the renowned medieval Muslim
scholar and scientist (973-1050), who visited Sindh, was unable
to locate a Buddhist informant for his work on Indian religions.
Hinduism survived, though under severe pressure (Maclean
1989: 50-53).
32 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES
MUHAMMAD BIN QASIM
Debal (identified with the ruins of Banbhore) was the first
city to be stormed by Qasim. The ninth century Muslim
historian, Al-Baladhuri, who wrote the most comprehensive
account of early Islamic intrusions into India, recorded that a
section of the population was killed in a massacre that lasted
three days. The dead included two guardians of the famous
Shiva temple. Qasim then marked out a quarter of the town
for the Muhammadan garrison, built a mosque, and left behind
four thousand men. The mosque at Debal was the first to be
constructed in the Indian subcontinent (Wink 1990: 203).
Excavations at the site in 1958-1965 revealed a Shiva linga
fixed on a yonipitha, besides one lying on the floor. Several
other lingas had been re-used in the lowest tread of steps
leading to the entrance of the mosque. The excavations exposed
four building phases. The first was the original temple that
had been in use till it was smashed in 712. A century later,
Anbisa bin Ishaq, the new governor of Sindh, pulled down
the upper portion of the temple and converted the lower part
into a prison. Several blocks of the temple were used for
restoring other structures in the city. The city's buildings were
repaired after an earthquake in 854 CE. In 906, the edifice was
converted into a mosque, which survived till the city turned
into a ruin in the thirteenth century (Pal 2008: 75-78).
From Debal, Qasim marched to other towns including
Nirun and Sadusan. At Nirun, he erected a mosque in place of
the temple of Budh (Buddhist stupa), and appointed a crier to
give the call for prayer (Cousens 1929: 20-22).
The major battle was with Dahir, the last Hindu ruler of
Sindh. Multan was besieged for over two months, and water
supply to the beleaguered city cut off by the invaders. It finally
fell due to treachery; one of its inhabitants pointed to a weak
section of the walls which Qasim promptly breached, and
sacked the town (Cousens 1929: 27). According to Al-
Baladhuri, "he made captives of the custodians of the budd,
SUNSET IN MULTAN | 33
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numbering 6000," and confiscated the wealth, but not the Sun
image (Wink 1990: 187).
THE GREAT TEMPLE OF MULTAN
Qasim was informed that the wealth of the city was due to a
temple on the eastern side. It was owing to that temple that
early Arabs called the place Farj, or "House of Gold." Alberuni
related the fate of the temple,
When Muhammad Ibn Alkasim Ibn Almunabbih conquered
Multan, he inquired how the town had become so very
flourishing and so many treasures had there been
accumulated, and then he found out that this idol was the
cause, for there came pilgrims from all sides to visit it.
Therefore he thought it best to have the idol where it was,
but he hung a piece of cow's-flesh on its neck by way of
mockery. On the same place a mosque was built (Alberuni
1910: 116-117).
The people of Multan saved the temple by agreeing to
surrender one-third of its income. Each pilgrim had to offer a
sum of money at the temple ranging from one hundred to ten
thousand dirhams, according to his financial situation. The
pilgrimage was not considered valid till that was done. The
money that accrued to the temple was divided into three equal
parts. One portion was given to the Muslims, one kept for the
improvement of the city and its fortifications. A third was set
aside for the guardians of the temple and its upkeep
(Friedmann 1972: 178).
TEMPLE DESTROYED
The temple survived that way till it was destroyed in 986 CE
by the Karmatians (a branch of Ismaili Shia Islam), when they
became masters of Multan. According to Alberuni,
When then the Karmatians occupied Multan, Jalam Ibn
Shaiban, the usurper, broke the idol into pieces and killed
its priests (Alberuni 1910: 116-117).
34 | FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES
A new mosque was erected to replace the one built by
Qasim, which was ordered to be closed. Subsequently,
Mahmud Ghaznavi captured Multan in 1005-06 CE. He restored
the old mosque as the place of Friday prayers, leaving the
Shia mosque to decay. The inhabitants of Multan were said to
have been forced to pay a fine twenty million dirhams to save
the city from being sacked by him (Bosworth 1992: 76).
ARAB ACCOUNTS OF THE SUN TEMPLE
Several Arab and Persian visitors to Multan described the
popularity of the Sun temple.3 Al-Masudi, the Arab historian
and geographer, who visited the valley of the Indus in 915 CE,
wrote,
The inhabitants of Sindh and India perform pilgrimages to
it from the most distant places: they carry money, precious
stones, aloe wood, and all sorts of perfumes there to fulfil
their vows. The greatest part of the revenue of the king of
Multan is derived from the rich presents brought the idol of
the pure aloe-wood of Kumar ... (Elliot and Dowson Vol. I:
23).
Abu Zaidu-l Hasan of Sira (d. 950) stated,
The idol called Multan is situated in the environs of
Mansura, and people come on pilgrimages to it from many
months distance. They bring thither the Indian aloes called
al kamruni, from Kamrun, the name of the country in which
it grows. These aloes are of the finest quality. They are given
to the ministers of the temple for use as incense. These aloes
are sometimes worth as much as two hundred dinars a
mana. The aloes are so soft that they will receive the
impression of a seal. Merchants buy them of the ministers of
the temple (Elliot and Dowson Vol. I: 11).
IMAGE OF WOOD COVERED WITH RED SKIN
The golden image Hiuen Tsang described was removed by
Muhammad b. Qasim at the time of the initial Arab conquest.
SUNSET IN MULTAN | 35
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However, worshippers of the deity substituted it with a
wooden one covered with leather. All later Muslim
descriptions were of the restored image (Maclean 1989: 19).
The medieval Persian geographer, Istakhari noted around
951 CE that the image was greatly venerated by Hindus, and
every year people from most distant parts undertook
pilgrimage to it. He described the image,
There is an idol there held in great veneration by the Hindus,
and every year people from the most distant parts undertake
pilgrimages to it, and bring to it vast sums of money, which
they expend upon the temple and on those who lead there a
life of devotion.... The idol has a human shape, and seated
with its legs bent in a quadrangular posture on a throne
made of brick and mortar. Its whole body is covered with a
red skin like Morocco leather, and nothing but its eyes are
visible. Some believe that the body is made of wood, some
deny this; but the body is not allowed to be uncovered to
decide the point. The eyes of the idol are precious gems, and
its head is covered with a crown of gold.... When the Indians
make war upon them and endeavour to seize the idol, the
inhabitants bring it out, pretending that they will break it
and burn it. Upon this the Indians retire, otherwise they
would destroy Multan (Zaki 1981: 33-34).
Alberuni also presented a similar portrayal of the image,
A famous idol of theirs was that of Multan, dedicated to the
sun, and therefore called Aditya. It was of wood and covered
with red Cordovan leather; in its two eyes were two red
rubies... (Alberuni 1910: 116-117).
According to Alberuni, the Sun temple was no longer
visited by pilgrims as it had been demolished by the Shias
(Wink 1990: 188). After the decline of the Ghaznavid dynasty,
Shias again became masters of Multan. They were not finally
expelled until 1176 CE, when Muhammad Ghori led an
expedition against Multan (Latif 1891: 14-15).
TEMPLE REBUILT
Even bereft of political power, Hindus succeeded in re-
establishing the temple and image. Al-Idrisi of Morocco,
writing around 1130 CE, observed that the Sun god was being
worshiped with as much enthusiasm as before,
There is an idol here, which is highly venerated by the
Indians, who come on pilgrimages to visit it from the most
distant parts of the country, and make offerings of valuables,
ornaments, and immense quantities of perfumes. This idol
is surrounded by its servants and slaves, who feed and
dress upon the produce of these rich offerings. It is in human
form with four sides, and is sitting upon a seat made of
bricks and plaster. It is entirely covered with a skin like red
morocco, so that the eyes only are visible. Some maintain
that the interior is made of wood, but others deny this.
However it may be, the body is entirely covered. The eyes
are formed of precious stones, and upon its head is a golden
crown set with jewels...
The temple of this idol is situated in the middle of Multan,
in the most frequented bazaar. It is a dome-shaped building.
The upper part of the dome is gilded, and the dome and the
gates are of great solidity. The columns are very lofty, and
the walls coloured...There is no idol in India or in Sindh
which is more highly venerated. The people make it the
object of a pious pilgrimage and to obey it is a law. So far is
this carried out, that, when neighbouring princes make war
against the country of Multan, either for the purpose of
plunder or for carrying off the idol, the priests have only to
meet, threaten the aggressors with its anger and predict
their destruction, and the assailants at once renounce their
design. Without this fear the town of Multan would be
destroyed. It is not surprising, then, that the inhabitants
adore this idol, exalt its power, and maintain that its presence
secures divine protection (Elliot and Dowson Vol. I: 81-82).
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FEW WORSHIPPERS LEFT
However, Zakaria Al Kazwini, writing around 1263 CE, said
the only image worshippers left in the city resided in the
precincts of the temple,
(Multan) is a large fortified and impregnable city, and is
held in high esteem by the Hindus and Chinese for it
contains a temple which is for them a place of worship and
pilgrimage, as Mecca is for the Muhammadans... The houses
of the servants and devotees are around the temple, and
there are no idol worshippers in Multan besides those who
dwell in these precincts (Elliot and Dowson Vol. I: 96).
Before Timur's invasion of India in 1398, his grandson,
Prince Pir Mahomed Jahangir invaded Multan in 1396 and took
possession of the city. After Timur's departure, there was no
kingdom worth the name in India for a considerable period
of time.
EUROPEAN TRAVELLERS
Thomas Herbert, perhaps the earliest European traveller to
mention Multan, provided no information on the Sun temple
(Herbert 1638: 83, 90). However, the French traveller Jean de
Thevenot (1633-1667) in 1666 CE, referred to the continuing
worship of the image clothed in red leather,
... from all places of Multan, Lahors, and other Countries,
they come thither in Pulgrimage. I know not the name of the
Idol that is Worshipped there; the Face of it is black, and it is
cloathed in red Leather: It hath two Pearls in place of Eyes;
and the Emir or Governour of the Countrey, takes the
Offerings that are presented to it ... (Thevenot 1949: 78).
All observers from the time of Istakhari (951) till Thevenot
(1666) described the image as made of wood and covered
with red Cordovan leather. The image Hiuen Tsang had seen
was "cast in yellow gold and ornamented with rare gems."
Alberuni stated that the Sun temple was destroyed in 986 and
the image broken to pieces. Was a wooden image substituted
by devotees as a cautionary measure? Did that same image
remain in worship from 951 CE Onward? Was it secreted away
at every moment of peril, and brought back when the threat
abatated?
The Sun temple was again devastated in the reign of
Aurangzeb and a Jama Masjid constructed at the site.
Subsequently, the Sikhs converted the masjid into a powder
magazine, which was blown up by a shell from British batteries
in 1848 CE, in the course of the second Sikh War (Maclagan
1926: 274).
Today, only the ruins of the temple remain (Pl. 5).
Interestingly, a stone image of the Sun god was recovered from
the site and is now housed in a museum in England (Pl. 6).
PRAHLADPURI TEMPLE
The Prahladpuri temple in Multan was also subjected to
repeated destruction. It stood at the site of the original temple
believed to have been constructed by Prahalad. It was there
that the Narasimha avatar was said to have appeared out of a
pillar, and saved Prahalad from his father. The festival of
Hollika Dahan commenced from that site.
DEMOLISHED, REBUILT
The temple was wrecked several times and mosques built in
its streets. The shrine of Bahawal Haqq (Baha-ud-din Zakariya)
was constructed adjacent to it. The Mughal Emperor, Shah
Jahan used twelve temple pillars in the construction of a
mosque. When the mosque caved in, Hindus again raised a
temple at that site, and instated the image. The temple was
rebuilt in the early nineteenth century when the area came
under Sikh control. In 1810, Hindus increased the height of
the temple spire, which led to protests by guardians of the
neighbouring mosque, and ended in a serious riot. When
British explorer and diplomat, Alexander Burnes (1805-1841)
SUNSET IN MULTAN | 39
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visited Multan in 1831, it was the principal shrine. But its roof
came down due to the explosion of a powder magazine during
the siege in January 1849, and was not repaired. Archaeologist,
Alexander Cunningham (1814-1893), who was in Multan in
1853, found it "quite deserted." The shrine was subsequently
repaired by subscription, and a new image of Narasimha
instated around 1872. It was well supported by the Sikh
government and retained some revenue-free lands. In the early
twentieth century, a fair used to be held at Narsimha Chaudush
in May (Maclagan 1926: 276-277, 286). The temple was located
on top of a raised platform inside Multan Fort. It was now
under the control of Hazrat Baha-ud-din Zakariya
administration, and no one was permitted entry (Pl. 7).
The image of Narasimha was said to have been removed
from the temple for safety and at some point instated in a
temple at Haridwar, where it remains under worship to this
day (Pl. 8).
SURAJ KUND
Another place of great antiquity in Multan associated with
worship of the Sun God was Suraj Kund, pool of the Sun. It
was linked with the worship of the Sun and Narasimha, Multan
being a celebrated centre of both. Annual fairs were held, one
in winter and the other in summer (Maclagan 1926: 290).
TOTLA MAI - SHRINE RECONSTRUCTED
The shrine of Totla Mai used to stand on an immense mound
that marked an early location of the city. In Aurangzeb's time,
an attempt was made to convert the temple into a mosque.
The Goddess was said to have walked out of the temple and
jumped into the adjoining well, still known as Muratwala well.
However, the temple priest cured the Emperor's son of an
ailment, and was allowed to retrieve the image and take it to
a house in the city. Under Sikh rule, the present small shrine
was constructed (Maclagan 1926: 290-291).
40 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES
All in all, for over ten centuries, the tenacity of devotees
ensured the survival of temples and deities even in the absence
of a protective Hindu king.
NOTES
1. The antiquarian remains in Sindh fell into three categories;
prehistoric, pre-Muhammadan, and Muhammadan. The early
history of the region was unclear. A ruler of Sindh was believed
to have send help to the Kurus in their fight against the
Pandavas in the Mahabharata war. Alexander's exhausted
army fought its way on the land, and Nearchus gathered his
fleet to take it from the unchartered waters of the great river to
the sea. Around the sixth century CE, White Huns were present
in the region (Cousens 1929: 7).
One of the most interesting antiquarian discoveries in Sindh
came from a field under plough, near Mirpur-Khas. It was a
fine standing bronze image of Brahma, 3 feet 2 inches high,
with the sacred thread over his left shoulder. It would have
belonged to a temple of significance (Cousens 1929: 10).
2. Alexander Cunningham discovered three interesting silver
coins in the neighbourhood of Multan (1872-73), all of which
he believed referred to worship of the Sun god of Multan. His
hypothesis was rejected by Whitehead, who argued that the
coins did not belong to Sindh, nor was the deity of the Sun
god of Multan (Whitehead 1947: 327-329).
3. Though worship of the Sun god centred primarily on the temple
of Multan, there were other shrines dedicated to Sun worship,
as indicated by the elaborate stone frame of Surya found in
the ruins of Brahmanabad (Cousens 1925: 55). The Chachnamah
actually referred to the Multan temple as Mistravi and Minravi,
designations which clearly reflected Mitravana ('forest of
Mitra'), an alternative Puranic appellation for Mulasthana
(Maclean 1989: 18-19).
SUNSET IN MULTAN 41
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3
Kashmir - Bhusvarga
K
ashmir, the land of scenic beauty and sacredness, was
Bhusvarga — heaven on earth. The name Kashmir
(Kasmir) was believed to be a corrupt form of
Kasyapa-mar, Kasyapa's garden (after rishi Kasyapa, grandson
of Brahma). Kalhana, author of the Rajatarangini, described
Kashmir as a place "where there is not a space as large as a
grain of sesamum without a tirtha" (Rajatarangini Vol. II: 367).
Its every spring, lake, and river had a blessed mission to wash
away the sins of the faithful. The hallowed Vitasta contained
within its waters all that was holy in the world.
Since early times Kashmir was a principal seat of Indian
civilization. It was said that at the time of his initiation, every
boy in north and south India had to take seven paces in the
direction of Kashmir as a symbolic gesture that he had
undertaken a pilgrimage to that land for learning. Kashmir
was the setting of the revered Shardapitha, the eternally pure
seat of Ma Sharda.
Sir Walter R. Lawrence (ICS) recorded that the Valley of
Kashmir was the 'holy land' of the Hindus, and he had rarely
been to a village which could not show some relic of
antiquity,
Curious stone miniatures of the old Kashmiri temples (Kulr-
Muru), huge stone seats of Mahadeo (Badrpith) inverted by
pious Musalmans, Phallic emblems innumerable, and
carved images heaped in grotesque confusion by some clear
spring, have met me at every turn (Lawrence 1895: 161).
Kashmir contributed to the spread of Buddhism in foreign
lands, particularly China and Tibet. Kumarajiva (334-413 CE),
whose father was from Kashmir and mother from the kingdom
of Kucha, was a renowned Buddhist monk and scholar. He
studied Hinayana Buddhism, later turned to Mahayana
Buddhism, and attained great recognition in India and China.
He eventually settled in the latter country, and translated
Buddhist texts written in Sanskrit into Chinese, during the
time of the later Chin dynasty (384-417 CE). He was conferred
the title Tungsheo, "although young in years he was ripe in
the wisdom and virtues of old age." He was referred to as
"one of the four Suns of Buddhism," and was credited with
the introduction of a new alphabet (Kak 2000: 2-3).
The great philosopher, Abhinavagupta (950-1016 CE) hailed
from a family of scholars, and composed over thirty-five
widely acclaimed works, among them Tantraloka, a treatise on
Trika and Kaula (Kashmir Shaivism). Poets and litterateurs
like Kshemendra and Bilhana lent heft to Kashmir's standing
as the land of learning, Sharda Desh. Many of Kashmir's pandits
were honoured guests of Indian princes. Bilhana wrote his
work, Vikaramankadevacharita at the court of Vikramaditya VI
(1075-1126) of Kalyana. He fondly recalled the land of his birth,
where ladies in every house in the city could converse in
Sanskrit as fluently as in their mother tongue (Kawthekar 1995).
Kashmir's beauty was first described to the Western world
by Father Jerome Xavier who accompanied Emperor Akbar
to the province, "...the Kingdom of Caxmir is one of the
42 | FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES
KASHMIR — BHUSVARGA | 43
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pleasantest and most beautiful countries to be found in the
whole of India, we may even say in the East" (Keenan 1989:
73). The French physician and traveller, Francois Bernier (1620-
1688), who wrote an exhaustive account of the region, stated
that Kashmir "surpasses in beauty all that my warm
imagination had anticipated" (Bernier 1916: 393-442).
Alberuni described a festival in Kashmir that celebrated
victory over Turks,
The second of the month of Chaitra is a festival to the people
of Kashmir called Agdus (possibly a mispronunciation of
Okduh, which in Kashmiri means the first day of a lunar
fortnight), and celebrated on account of a victory gained by
their king Mutai over the Turks (Alberuni 1910: 178).
HISTORIES OF KASHMIR
The most authoritative account of ancient and medieval
Kashmir was the Rajatarangini, composed by Kalhana in 1148-
49 CE. He was born in a family of Brahmin officials, and imbibed
the traditions of the region from both oral and written sources.
His father, Champaka, was the minister of king Harsa. Three
centuries later, another Kashmiri Brahmin, Jonaraja, a
contemporary and court historian of Sultan Zain-ul-Abidin
(1421-1472 CE), also wrote a Rajatarangini. The work was
continued by his pupil, Srivara. Other historians followed,
like Prayabhatta and Suka.
THE TEMPLE OF SHARDA IN KISANGANGA VALLEY
The shrine of Sharda Devi was at one time among the most
revered in Kashmir, indeed India (Pl. 9). The Sharda Mahatmya
narrated that once Muni Shandilya, son of Matanga, was
practising great austerities to obtain sight of goddess Sharda
(who as Shakti embodied Sharda, Sarasvati, and Vagdevi). A
divine voice directed him to Shardavana, the sacred spot of
Shardi (a small village and fort near the Sharda temple).
It was at the temple of Sharda that Shankaracharya was
44 | FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES
accepted as a religious scholar of the highest merit. Bilhana
stated that it was because of Sharda that Kashmir was
recognized as a centre of learning. The Prabhavakacarita (a work
of the thirteenth century) narrated a tale about the temple.
When king Jayasimha of Gujarat asked the Jain scholar,
Hemachandra (1088-1172 CE) to compose a new grammar, the
latter requested the king that he be provided with old
grammars that could only be found in the library of the Sharda
temple. These grammars were duly obtained, after which
Hemachandra wrote the Siddhahemachandra (Stein Rajatarangini
Vol. II: 286).
Alberuni had heard of the shrine of Sharda during his
stay in the Panjab. He described it as much venerated and
frequented by pilgrims, and accurately gave its location,
In Inner Kashmir, about two or three days journey from the
capital in the direction towards the mountains of Bolor,
there is a wooden idol called Sarada, which is much
venerated and frequented by pilgrims (Alberuni 1910: 117).
Major Charles Ellison Bates, who wrote A Gazetteer of
Kashmir, described Shardi as "a village of some importance
situated on the left bank of the Kishan Ganga, at the northern
extremity of Upper Drawar."1 He wrote of the temple,
The temple, which consists of the usual cella surrounded
by a walled enclosure, stands at the foot of a spur which
rises above the right bank of the Madhumati stream. The
temple is approached by a stair-case about 9 feet wide, of
steep, stone steps, some 63 in number... In the middle of the
wall on the northside is an arched recess, which contains a
lingam...The cella, which is about 22 feet square, stands on
an elevated plinth about 4 feet from the present level of the
ground...The entrance is approached by a flight of steps.
The interior of the temple is square, and perfectly plain; on
the ground lies a large rough slab of unpolished stone,
somewhat like a huge mill-stone, which, with the walls, is
KASHMIR BHUSVARGA 45
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smeared in places with red pigment, and flowers are inserted
in cracks. This stone is said to have been disturbed by
Mansur Khan, Rajah of Karnao, in search of treasure,
...exertions, however, were unsuccessful (Bates 1873: 338-
340).
By the time the eminent Hungarian-British archaeologist,
Aurel Stein (1862-1943) searched for the shrine in 1892 CE, it
had become "almost unknown to the Pandits of Srinagar." In
his quest, he was greatly aided by the clear indications Kalhana
had provided. Also helpful were Brahmins of the adjoining
tracts, who had sustained the tradition of pilgrimage to the
shrine.
Stein found the interior of the shrine bereft of any
ornamentation. The only noticeable object there was the large
rough slab on the ground measuring about six by seven feet,
and about half a foot thick. The stone was believed to cover a
kunda, or spring. According to the Sharda Mahatmya, the slab
marked the sacred spot where Sharda appeared before
Shandilya. It was the object of special reverence of pilgrims.
When Stein visited, a red cloth canopy with plenty of tinsel
covered the sacred spot. Conches, bells, and other implements
of worship filled the remainder of the interior space.
According to Chandra Pandit, who guided Stein, the
temple had been almost deserted prior to the Sikh invasion,
when the Muhammadan Rajas of Karnav ruled as practically
independent chiefs in the Kisanganga Valley. Under one of
them, the shrine was used for the storage of gunpowder, the
explosion of which blew off the original roof. The temple was
subsequently repaired by Maharaja Gulab Singh. He also
settled a small sum of seven rupees Chilki per mensem on the
family of Gotheng Brahmins, to which Chandra Pandit
belonged, and which claimed hereditary guardianship of the
temple.
Besides the care of these appointed guardians, the shrine
also benefitted from the presence of a small Hindu community
46 | FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES
in the garrison of the neighbouring fort of Shardi (Pl. 10). The
fort stood almost opposite the temple, and was erected in
Maharaja Gulab Singh's time, to guard the valley from
marauders. Stein found a small garrison of Dogras and Sikhs,
about forty in all. They took interest in "the sacred shrine
entrusted, as it were, to their care." They also supported a
Hindu mendicant from the plains as an attendant of the
goddess (Stein Note B i. 37 Rajatarangini Vol. II: 279-284).
The temple of Sharda continued to enjoy great eminence.
Abul Fazl wrote of the site:
At two days' distance from Haehamun is the river named
Padmati which flows from the Dardu country. Gold is also
found in this river. On its banks is a stone-temple called
Sharada, dedicated to Durga and regarded with great
veneration. On every eighth tithi of Shulkapaksha, it begins
to shake and produces the most extraordinary effect (Ain-i-
Akbari Vol. II 1927: 365).
From Abul Fazl's account, it appeared that a miracle-
working image of Sharda, probably the same which Alberuni
had heard about, was in existence in the sixteenth century.2
SHARIKA DEVI - REMOVED FROM HER SHRINE IN
TROUBLED TIMES
Sharika Devi (a manifestation of the eighteen-armed Durga)
was regarded the presiding deity of Srinagar city. According
to legend, Durga took the form of Sharika, or starling, and
carried a pebble in her beak, which she dropped on the demon,
Jalodbhava. The pebble grew into a mountain and crushed
the demon, thus saving the city from his depredations. Since
then the goddess was worshipped in the form of a rock which
occupied the centre of the western hill facing the city. The
rock was smeared with vermilion. Sharika was represented
by a svayambhu, a naturally engraved Sri chakra on a green,
circular shaped sapphire (Warikoo 2009: 150).
KASHMIR - BHUSVARGA 47
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In 1170 CE, at a turbulent moment in Kashmir's history, a
glazed black stone murti of Sharika Devi was taken from her
abode on Hari Parbat in Kashmir Valley to Sarthal Kistwar by
king Ugra Dev. She was brought via Singhpora pass to the
cave where the temple remains situated (Pushkar).
Subsequently, the site was attacked by Shamsu'd Din
Araki, an Iranian Shia Muslim missionary, who visited Kashmir
after the death of Sultan Zain-ul-Abidin, "to pull down the
idol houses of infidels and polytheists and to put an end to
the customs, traditions and habits of the kafirs (infidels)..."
(Pandit 2009: xi-xix, 95). According to his biography, the
Tohfatul-Ahhab (1642 CE),
Shamsu'd Din Araki began his enterprise (of destroying
temples) with the Koh-i-Maran (Har Parbat hillock or
Sharika Parvata, situated in downtown Srinagar)... There
existed a big idol temple on top of Koh-i-Maran. In Kashmiri,
it was called Hareh Blari (Hareh Brari). Groups and clans
of Hindu infidels, heretics and unbelievers
circumambulated it ...They observed the practices and rites
of infidelity and polytheism... (They) were joined by the
Sultan, the officials, the nobles, the heretics, the miscreants
and the wretched lot... Its foundation was dismantled, and
the idol house was set on fire till it was fully consumed in
flames. The bright candle of religion and Islam brought by
the Prophet, and the law of his religion and the path of
Mustafa and Murtaza (Ali) was lighted (Pandit 2009: 211-
218).
A LOST TEMPLE DISCOVERED
The Rajatarangini recorded the fascinating story of a lost temple,
concerning Lalitaditya Muktapida, the great king of the
Karkota dynasty who brought almost the entire north India
under his control. Lalitaditya once went out on an untrained
horse, in order to tame it. He saw two maidens, one singing
and the other dancing. A short while later, when he was
exercising the horse, he saw that the two, after completing
48 | FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES
their song and dance, bowed slightly and left. He visited the
place repeatedly, and each time saw the two girls re-enacting
the song and dance. He then enquired from them what they
were doing. They told him they were dancing-girls belonging
to a temple. The village of Suravardhamana was their home.
Their mothers, who obtained their living there, had directed
them to perform at the spot, "which our descent makes
incumbent." "This custom, handed down by tradition, has
became fixed in our family. Its reason we cannot know, nor
can anyone else."
On learning of this, the astonished king ordered the entire
ground to be dug up. The excavations revealed two decayed
temples with closed doors. On opening the doors, were found
two images of Keshava, "which, as the letters engraved on
the bases (pitha) showed, had been made by Rama and
Laksmana."
The King had a separate stone building constructed by
the side of the temple of Vishnu Parihasakesava, and the image
of Ramasvamin was consecrated there. The image of
Laksmanasvamin was instated by queen Cakramardika by the
side of Shiva Cakresvara, after she had obtained it on request
from the king (Rajatarangini Vol. I: 147-148).
MARTANDA TEMPLE
The Rajatarangini referred to many temples built by Lalitaditya
(Pl. 11). Among them was "the wonderful [shrine] of Martanda,
with its massive walls of stone within a lofty enclosure
(prasadantar), and its town swelling with grapes" (Rajatarangini
Vol. I: 141). The Martanda Mahatmya related the legend that
connected the sacred springs of Martanda tirtha with the
production of the Sun from the lifeless egg (mrtanda) which
Aditi, wife of Kasyapa, had brought forth as her thirteenth
child. The tirtha of Martanda was mentioned in the Nilamata
Purana (verse 1036) as among the places sacred to Surya.3
KASHMIR – BHUSVARGA | 49
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```json
{
"full_text": "The Martanda temple was commonly called Pandu-Koru,\nhouse of the Pandus and Korus (Bates 1873: 270). It was the\nmost described site of Kashmir. G.T. Vigne (1801-1863), the\nEnglishman who came as a private traveller and not as an\nemployee of the East India Company, wrote of the temple\nruins that indicated its scale and architectural beauty. Vigne\nstated,\nAt the village of Mar-tund, or 'the Sun,' ... is the most holy\nspring in Kashmir, called, par excellence, Bawun, or spring.\nIt is said that, after the valley was dried, small hills and\ncaves appeared, and that Kashuf Rishi walked about in the\ngreatest delight; that he accidentally found an egg (the\nmundane egg of the Hindus) shining most brilliantly, which\nhe picked up. He broke it in his hand, and from it flowed the\nsprings of Bawun or Maha Martund, sacred, of course, to\nVishnu...Houses of Hindus surround the small tank which\nis formed near it (Vigne Vol. I 1844: 359).\nThe British army explorer, Francis Younghusband (1816-\n1942) pronounced the temple as "... the finest structure, typical\nof Kashmir architecture at its best, built on the most sublime\nsite occupied by any building in the world - far finer than the\nsite of the Parthenon, or of the Taj, or of St. Peters, or of the\nEscurial - we may take it as the representative, or rather the\nculmination of all the rest, and by it we must judge the people\nof Kashmir at their best\" (Younghusband 1917: 135-136).\nAurel Stein, after a visit to the site assessed it as, \"the\nmost striking remains which have survived of the ancient\narchitecture of Kashmir.\" Even at that time, he found the tirtha\n\"one of the most celebrated pilgrimage-places in the Valley,\"\nthat annually attracted visitors from all parts of India\n(Rajatarangini Vol. I: 141).\nPARIHASAPURA\nThe Rajatarangini provided details of the temple of\nParihasapura, also constructed by Lalitaditya, and the deities\n50 | FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nenshrined in it; \"the glorious silver [image of Visnu]\nParihasakesava [which] shone like the god [Visnu]...;\" \"the\nfamous [image of] Visnu Muktakesava, made of gold; the\n[image of Visnu] Mahavaraha.\" The king also instated a silver\nimage of Govardhanadhara. He raised a great stone pillar\nand placed a representation of Garuda on top (Rajatarangini\nVol. I: 142). The Austrian noble, diplomat, and explorer,\nCharles Baron Hugel (1795-1870) described Parihasapura,\nIt was adorned with many fine temples and monuments;\namong others, with a pillar cut out of one stone, twenty four\nyards high, at the top of which stood the image of Garuda,\nhalf-man and half-eagle (Hugel 1854: 159).\nDuring his visit to Parihasapura (Paraspor) in September\n1892, Aurel Stein was able to trace the ruins of the buildings\nthat Kalhana had described (Pl. 12). Stein believed that the\nruins contained the five great shrines Lalitaditya had built -\nParihasakesava, Muktakesava, Mahavaraha, Govardhanadhara,\nand Rajavihara. The first four were temples dedicated to\nVishnu, the fifth a Buddhist vihara (Rajatarangini Vol. II: 300-\n302).\nParihasapura suffered grievously after the reign of\nLalitaditya. His son, Vajraditya shifted the royal residence\nfrom there. More injurious were the changes brought about\nby Avantivarman of the Utpala dynasty (855-833), who\nchanged the course of the Vitasta (Mitra 1993: 28). Then king\nSankar Varman (883-901 ce) used materials from Parihasapura\nfor the construction of his new town and temples at Patan\n(Chaku and Chaku 2016: 81-86). Some of its shrines seemed to\nhave survived to a later period, for the 'parisadyas' or purohitas\nof Parihasapura were referred to as an influential body in the\nreign of Samgramaraja of the Lohara dynasty (1003-1028).\nSIKANDER BUTSHIKAN\nMany revered temples of Kashmir were destroyed by Sultan\nSikander Butshikan, the Idol-breaker (1389-1413). Alexander\nKASHMIR - BHUSVARGA 51",
"metadata": {}
}
```
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Cunningham observed that the tomb of his own queen in
Srinagar was built on the foundation, and with the material,
of a Hindu temple. The wall that surrounded the tomb of his
son, Zain-ul-Abidin, was once the enclosure of a Hindu temple,
and the entrance of a masjid in Nowa-Shehra (Srinagar), was
formed of two fluted pillars of a Hindu peristyle. These
examples showed that at least three different temples in the
capital alone "must have been overthrown either by Sikandar
or by one of his predecessors" (Cunningham 1848: 5).
Among the many temples devastated by Sikandar was
the Martanda temple. The final destruction of the temples of
Parihasapura was also attributed by chroniclers to him
(Rajatarangini Vol. II: 303).
Sikandar was likewise credited with the devastation of
Hindu and Buddhist shrines at Pandrethan. Pandrethan, 5 km
to the south-east of Srinagar, was the site of ancient Srinagari,
believed to have been founded by Emperor Ashoka. When
William Moorcroft, George Trebeck, G.T. Vigne, and
Alexander Cunningham visited Pandrethan in the first half of
the nineteenth century, almost all the structures had been
reduced to shapeless ruins. Viewing the large masses of stones
on the slopes at the foot of the spur, Vigne was of the opinion
that a city and a vast Hindu temple complex once existed there.
Alexander Cunningham saw enormous lingas and ancient
remains extending over a five km stretch from the foot of the
Takht-i-Sulaiman (Shankaracharya hill). One mound near the
slope of the spur, excavated by Daya Ram Sahni in 1913,
revealed, besides several Buddhist sculptures, the remains of
two dilapidated stone stupas and possibly a monastery, all
assigned to the eighth century CE (Mitra 1993: 15-17).
The Buddhist sculptures found at the site are exhibited at
the Sri Pratap Singh Museum, Srinagar. Particularly noteworthy
are two standing and one seated image of Buddha, and the
upper portion of a sculpture depicting the birth of Siddhartha.
Also on display are nearly twenty large images of Hindu
deities, that were found at Pandrethan between 1923 and 1933.
Most of the sculptures were more than life-size, with at least
eight representing Shiva (Mitra 1993: 17-18).
The Avantisvamin Vishnu temple and the Avantisvara
Shiva temple, both built at Avantipura by king Avantivarman
(Pl. 13), also suffered at the hands of Sultan Sikander (Mitra
1993: 29-39). The Annual Report of the Archaeological Survey
of India recorded,
The process of destruction and denudation started in the
later part of the reign of Sultan Sikandar (1389-1413) who
earnerned the epithet Butshikan (idol breaker) by virtue of his
breaking the images and demolishing the temples. Almost
all the temples of the country are stated to have been
desecrated and pulled down (or badly shattered) and the
images were broken, mutilated, or thrown away from the
temples. The destruction of the temples is believed to have
been effected by piling heaps of timber in the temples and
setting fire to these heaps (Annual Report, ASI, 1915-16, 1918:
56).
The Sultan was aided in the planned destruction by his
minister Suhabhatta, a Brahmin convert to Islam. Jonaraja
(d. 1459) presented a vivid picture of the persecution of
Brahmins and the wholesale destruction of temples and images,
The kingdom of Kashmira was polluted by the evil practices
of the mlechchhas, and the Brahmanas, the mantras, and
the gods relinquished their power. The gods who used to
make the glory of their prowess manifest, even as fire-flies
manifest their light, now hid their glory on account of the
county's sin. When the gods withdrew their glory, their
images became mere stones, and the mantras, mere letters...
Suhabhatta who disregarded the acts enjoined by the Vedas,
was instructed by the mlechchhas, instigated the king to
break down the images of the gods... the king forgot his
kingly duties and took a delight, day and night, in breaking
images... He broke the images of Marttanda, Vishaya,
Ishana, Chakrabhrit, and Tripureshvara; but what can be
KASHMIR BHUSVARGA 53
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said of the evil that came on him by the breaking of the
Shesha? ... There was no city, no town, no village, no wood,
where Suha the Turushka left the temples of gods unbroken.
Of the images which once had existed, the name alone was
left, and Suhabhatta then felt the satisfaction which one
feels on recovering from illness (Jonaraja 1986: 59-60).
It was said that on learning of the fanatical zeal of Sikandar,
seven hundred Sayyids led by Muhammad Hamadani had
migrated from Persia to Kashmir. Sikandar became a disciple
of Muhammad Hamadani, whose arrival probably "led to the
religious persecution which immediately ensued" (Bates 1873:
105; Chaku and Chaku 2016: 221). Sir Walter R. Lawrence
summed up the oppression that was unleashed,
It is a generally accepted fact that up to about the beginning
of the fourteenth century the population of the valley was
Hindu, and that about the middle and the end of the century
the mass of the people was converted to Islam, through the
efforts of Shah-i-Hamadam and his followers, and the violent
bigotry and persecution of King Sikandar, the Iconoclast.
Tradition affirms that the persecution of the Hindus was so
keen that only eleven families of Hindus remained in the
valley (Lawrence 1895: 302).
There was a certain method in the mad zeal of Sikandar, for
he used the plinths and friezes of the old temples for the
embankments of the city and for the foundation of the Jama
Masjid. Having glutted his vengeance on Hindu temples,
Sikandar turned his attention to the people who had
worshiped in them, and he offered them three choices,
death, conversion or exile. Many fled, many were converted,
and many were killed, and it is said that this thorough
monarch burnt seven mounds of sacred thread of the
murdered Brahmans. All the books of Hindu learning which
he could lay his hands on were sunk in the Dal Lake and
Sikandar flattered himself that he had extirpated Hinduism
from the Valley (Lawrence 1895: 191).
There was noticeable relief in the reign of Zain-ul-Abidin,
who ascended the throne in 1417, by when it is said all Hindus,
except Brahmins, had accepted Islam (Lawrence 1895: 191-
192).
And Ma Sharda, Surya (Martanda), Avantisvamin,
Avantisvara, Varahmool, Meru Vardhana Swami, and deities
of innumerable other shrines were banished forever from their
sacred abodes
NOTES
1. The political conditions, combined with the tough route, led
to the development of several substitutes of the ancient tirthas
within the Valley. Among them was Sharda kunda, at the village
of Tsatsa, close to Harvan, and about one and a half miles
from the north-east corner of the Dal Lake. It was visited on
the very day prescribed for the ancient Sharda pilgrimage.
Another Sharda shrine was near the village of Kulyandi, in
Khuyhom. A substitute shrine was created even on the route
of the ancient Sharda tirtha (Stein Rajatarangini Vol. II: 288).
2. Jonaraja's Chronicle contained a strange account of the Sharda
temple. Sultan Zain-ul-Abidin went to the shrine in the year
1422 CE to witness the miraculous manifestations of the
goddess. These were said to be the appearance of sweat on the
face of the image, the shaking of an arm, and a sensation of
heat on touching the feet. The goddess, however, showed no
miracle to the Sultan. Having disappointed him, she was then
said to have crushed her image to pieces. The destruction,
rightly or wrongly, was connected with a pilgrimage of Zain-
ul-Abidin to the site (Stein Rajatarangini Vol. II: 286-287).
3. Excavations at the site of the Martanda temple revealed the
existence of an earlier smaller temple. When Lalitaditya built
his temple, the base of the older temple was encased by a new
base of larger dimensions. The older temple was probably the
one built on that spot by king Ranaditya (Kak 2000: 131-135).
During excavations in the temple courtyard, a number of large
earthen jars were found embedded in the floor.
54 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES
KASHMIR BHUSVARGA 55
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4
Delhi - Sacred Space Transformed
T
The first-known defence construction in Delhi, Lal Kot
was built by the Tomar ruler, Anangpal at Mehrauli.
The name Mehrauli derived from Mihirapuri (or
Mihirapalli), which indicated the existence of a Sun temple.
Mehrauli was also the locale of the Yogamaya temple, which
additionally gave it the name Yoginipura, mentioned in the
Palam Baoli inscription of 1274 CE, as an alternative of Dhilli
(Delhi). Dhilli and Yoginipura figured frequently in the
pattavalis of the Jains. The site where the Quwwat-ul-Islam
mosque and other early Islamic structures were erected, was
once the citadel of the Tomars and Chauhans, represented by
the ruins of Lal Kot and Qila Rai Pithora respectively (Pande
2006: 2-5).
The Quwwat-ul-Islam mosque was constructed by
Qutubuddin Aibak to mark the victory of Muhammad Ghori
over Prithviraj Chauhan, in the second battle of Tarain in 1192.1
An inscription clearly stated that materials of twenty-seven
pre-existing Hindu and Jain temples at that site were used for
its construction.2 The inscription quoted verses 91-2 from Surah
56 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES
III of the Quran, which was followed by the text,
This fort was conquered and this Jami'-Masji was built in
the months of the year 587 by the Amir, the great and
glorious commander of the Army, Qutb-ud-daula wad-din,
the Amirul-umara Aibeg, the slave of the Sultan, may God
strengthen his helpers. The materials of 27 temples, on each
of which 2,000,000 Deliwals had been spent, were used in
(construction of) this mosque. God the Great and Glorious
may have mercy on that slave, everyone who is in favour of
the good builder prays for his health (Epigraphia Indo-
Moslemica 1911-12: 13).
Nearly all the temple pillars used in the mosque had carved
motifs, which were intentionally disfigured. Some lintels
depicted scenes from the lives of Jain tirthankaras. Jain tradition
holds that a temple dedicated to Parsvanatha existed at the
site. The poet, Sridhara in his Parshva Purana, made a similar
claim. The find of Jain sculptures and pillars lent credence to
that belief. The Archaeological Survey of India was in
possession of a square pillar with the figure of a seated
Tirthankara on three sides and a Ganesh on the fourth that
was recovered from the site. Also retrieved was a four-armed
Vishnu, dated 1147 CE, currently displayed at the National
Museum. The birth of Krishna was depicted on one of the
lintels (Pl. 14) (Pande 2006: 21).
IRON PILLAR - UPROOTED FROM ITS HALLOWED SITE
In the thirteenth century, the Iron Pillar that originally stood
at Vishnupadagiri ("Hill with the footprint of Vishnu"),
Udayagiri, was uprooted and placed in front of the Quwwat-
ul-Islam mosque complex (Pl. 15). The pillar had a three-stanza
six-line Sanskrit inscription, dated between 400 and 450 CE,
which recorded that it was erected by Chandra ("having in
faith fixed his mind upon Vishnu") at Vishnupadagiri.
Based on a detailed study of the archer-type gold coins of
the imperial Guptas, Professor R. Balasubramaniam identified
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Chandra as the Gupta ruler, Chandragupta II Vikramaditya
(375-414 CE). A distinctive feature of those coins was that the
king's short name was inscribed on the obverse (i.e. region of
the issuing monarch's figure), while his full name and title
were mentioned in the circular legend. In all archer-type gold
coins of Chandragupta II Vikramaditya, the short name of the
king was inscribed as Chandra and his full title and name
given in the circular legend (Balasubramaniam 2008: 26-28).
Art historian, Meera Dass showed that pada (foot) worship
was an ancient practice in the region around Udayagiri. She
cited veneration of an inscribed Vishnupada at Charan Tirth
situated at the foot of Udayagiri hill, the Heliodorous pillar
at nearby Besnagar, reverence of the footprints of Jain
Tirthankara Shitalnath in Cave 20 at Udayagiri (dated as per
an inscription in the cave to 426 CE), and the discovery of a
Kushan-period brick with unfinished marking of a foot at
Udayagiri. Further, she pointed to a tradition of iron-making
in the Udayagiri-Vidisha-Besnagar-Sanchi region. She also
noted the astronomical significance of Udayagiri
(Vishnupadagiri), situated at 23°31′ latitude, almost on the
Tropic of Cancer. It was a major centre for astronomical
observations and Sun worship in ancient times (Dass 2001).
There was a flowering of astronomical knowledge during
the reign of the imperial Guptas, with astronomers like
Aryabhata, Varahamihira, and Brahmagupta. Udayagiri was
developed as a major centre under Chandragupta II
Vikramaditya; nineteen of the twenty cave temples at
Udayagiri dated from his reign. The association of Udayagiri
with Vishnu and the Sun was underscored by the invocation
of Chandragupta's title, Vikramaditya which denoted the
oneness of Vishnu and Surya (Balasubramaniam 2008: 31-36).
R. Balasubramaniam, who prepared a complete layout of
Udayagiri, noted that the hill site was shaped like a foot. A
saddle connected the northern and southern hills. A
passageway was especially cut at the place where the northern
58 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES
hill met the saddle. That was the only path that led to the
west of the hill, and was the main approach to the temple on
the northern hilltop (identified by Michel Willis and Meera
Dass as the Sun temple which was destroyed in the thirteenth
century CE). An ancient elephant path underlined the
importance of that corridor. Most of the cave temples were
located around it, including Cave 5 (with the Varaha panel)
and Cave 13 (with the image of Anantasayin Vishnu)
(Balasubramaniam 2008: 32).
As the Udayagiri site was astronomically significant, the
placement of the Iron Pillar was carefully planned. According
to R. Balasubramaniam and Meera Dass, the pillar was placed
in front of Cave 7, facing the passageway. The site was
important as during the summer solstice, the early morning
shadow of the Iron Pillar would fall on the feet of Vishnu in
the Anantasayin Vishnu panel in Cave 13. Moreover, it was
only in the period before and after the summer solstice that
the early morning shadow of the Iron Pillar fell on the
passageway in the direction of Anantasayin Vishnu. That was
due to the special angle of the cut of the passageway. R.
Balasubramaniam and Meera Dass pointed to many other
fascinating details about the movement of the sun and the
direction of sunrays regarding the Varaha and Anantasayin
panels (Balasubramaniam and Dass 2004: 1134-1142;
Balasubramaniam 2008: 35-36).
The decorative bell of the Iron Pillar originally had a chakra
on top. The inscription on the Iron Pillar clearly stated that it
was the standard of Vishnu (Vishnuordhvajah). One of the
Vishnu panels in Cave 6 at Udayagiri depicted the Iron Pillar
capital with the chakra. A cut was visible on the top surface of
the Iron Pillar capital, into which the chakra would have fitted
(Balasubramaniam 2008: 32-34).3
Iltutmish (r. 1210-1236 CE), the first Muslim ruler to pillage
Malwa in 1234 CE, uprooted the Iron Pillar and placed it in the
courtyard of the Quwwat-ul-Islam mosque. The contemporary
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Persian historian, Minhaj-us-Siraj (b. 1193) wrote of the spoils
of the expedition,
... Some other images cast in copper were carried with the
stone image of Maha-kal to Dehli (Elliot and Dowson Vol.
II: 328). The Iron Pillar was among those "brass" objects
(Balasubramaniam 2005: 25).
Shams-i Siraj Afif (d. 1388), in the mid-fourteenth century,
explained Iltutmish's motives regarding the pillar,
Every great king took care during his reign to set up some
lasing memorial of his power. So sultan Shams al-Din
Altamash raised the large pillar in the Masjid-i Jami at old
Dehli, the history of which is well known (Elliot and Dowson
Vol. III: 353).
While erecting the Iron Pillar at Delhi, the portion that
had been buried underground at Udayagiri, was placed above
ground level. That portion had been left uneven, so that the
pillar could be firmly gripped to the foundation
(Balasubramaniam 2008: 37).4
NOTES
1. The mosque bore the telling name Quwwat-ul-Islam, 'Might
of Islam.' Qutab Minar was labelled 'a pillar of victory' not in
its Arabic, but in the Nagari inscriptions inscribed on its
lowest storey - and therefore more visible than the other
inscriptions. The message to non-Muslims "could scarcely be
more explicit" (Hillenbrand 2008: 235).
2. Certain academic circles no longer mention the demolition of
twenty-seven Jain and Hindu temples to make the Quwwat-
ul-Islam mosque. Rather, they describe the mosque as
constructed of "recycled architectural components - notably
carved stone columns from Hindu and Jain temples - from
earlier Indic buildings" (Talbot 2016: 78). But recycle would
normally mean salvaging from something that had been
discarded. The Jain and Hindu temples were centres of
worship. They had not been abandoned. Finbarr B. Flood held
60 | FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES
that it would be incorrect to depict the uprooting of the Iron
Pillar and its relocation in Delhi as "a symbol of the domination
of Islam." According to him, "the appropriation and reerection
of the iron pillar represented an 'indigenization' of the
Islamicate present, for the object used and the practices
associated with it reveal a dependence on Indic models of
legitimation ..." Iltutmish's re-erection of the pillar "... had
little to do with cultural rupture and everything to do with the
construction of fictive continuities..."
As per this argument, Iltutmish's act implied the deployment
of Indic symbols for legitimation, nothing more. Further, Flood
held that Iltutmish merely followed the practice of earlier
Hindu kings. He cited the case of an Ashokan pillar at Kotla
Feroz Shah, which Feroz Shah Tughlaq (r. 1351-1388) brought
from Topra Kalan in Ambala district, and erected next to his
Friday mosque. The first inscription on the pillar had been
inscribed in Brahmi in the third century BCE. Around sixty
years before Iltutmish, in 1164 CE the Chahamana king,
Vigraharaja IV inscribed on the same pillar his victory over a
Mleccha (Ghaznavid or Ghurid) army (Flood 2009: 248-250).
But surely, inscribing an additional record on an existing
pillar could not be viewed as a hostile act, whereas uprooting
it from its sanctified space would certainly qualify as such.
Alexander Cunningham, who surveyed the Qutab complex
in 1862-63, believed that Anangpal Tomar brought the Iron
Pillar to its present location in the eleventh century. This was
shown to be an erroneous reading of an inscription on the
pillar (Talbot 2016: 79-80; Balasubramaniam 2008: 30).
Besides the Topra Pillar from Haryana, Feroz also brought
the Meerut pillar from UP, which he set up on the Delhi Ridge.
Barni described the process of transportation of the massive
pillars to Delhi.
3. For manufacturing the Iron Pillar at least 7,000 kg of iron
would have been used and 200 furnaces operated
simultaneously, or the same furnace repeatedly used, to
produce that amount of iron of consistent quality (Tripathi
2008: 126-128). The genius of the creators of the Udayagiri
complex was apparent in the symbolic representations of
Vishnu pada and cosmic sleep by a skilful union of
astronomical and architectural knowledge.
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4. Several observers, among them Alexander Cunningham,
initially believed that the Iron Pillar was made of brass. In
1876, Percy Brown of Roorkee University conducted a chemical
analysis of the material used in the pillar, which revealed that
it was made of pure iron (Balasubramaniam 2005: 25;
Balasubramaniam 2008: 37).
5
Hallowed Land of Krishna
Mathura, Braj, Vrindavan
62 | FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES
M
athura was early on distinguished by its association
with Krishna. In the fourth century BCE, strong
adherents of Vasudeva were to be found only in
the Mathura region (Raychaudhuri 1975: 55). Megasthenes (350-
290 BCE), Greek historian and author of Indica, wrote,
This Herakles is held in special honour by the Sourasenoi,
an Indian tribe who possess two large cities, Methora and
Cleisobora, and through whose country flows a navigable
river called the Iobares (McCrindle 1877: 201).
Over a century ago, R.G. Bhandarkar identified the two
cities as Mathura and Krishnapura (the latter according to some
scholars was Gokul, near Mathura) and the river as Yamuna
(Bhandarkar 1913: 9). Mathura was a "seat of the Bhagavat
cult from about the second century BC to fifth century A.D."
(Agrawala 1965: 1; Raychaudhuri 1975: 53). It was also a
flourishing centre of the Jain and Buddhist faiths.
The Mora Well inscription of Mahaksatrapa Rajuvula, of
the early decades of the first century CE, found in a village
HALLOWED LAND OF KRISHNA | 63
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seven miles from Mathura, stated that images pratima(h) of
the blessed (bhagavatam) five Vrishni heroes, were installed in
a stone shrine of a person called Tosa. The heroes were
identified from a passage in the Vayu Purana as Samkarsana,
Vasudeva, Pradyumna, Samba, and Aniruddha (Banerjea 1968:
12-13). The English translation of the inscription read,
... of the son of mahaksatrapa Ramjuvala, svami...
the images of the holy pancaviranam of the Vrishnis...
the stone shrine... whom the magnificent matchless stone
house of Tosa was erected and maintained...
five objects of adoration made of stone, radiant as it were
with the highest beauty ... (Quintanilla 2007: 260).
The Mathura inscription of the time of his son,
Mahakshatrapa Sodasa recorded the erection of a torana, vedika,
and chatuhsala at the Mahasthana (great place) of Bhagavat
Vasudeva (Panda 2007: 80). Several male torsos representing
the Vrisni heroes were also found in a shrine in Mora dating
to the time of Mahakshatrapa Sodasa. In the reign of
Chandragupta Vikramaditya, a magnificent temple of Vishnu
was built at the site of Katra Keshavadeva (Agrawala 1965: 2,
11).
Panini, the Sanskrit linguist and grammarian, and Patanjali,
who wrote the Mahabhasya on Panini's sutras, also mentioned
Krishna's association with Mathura (Srinivasan 1997: 316).
Kalidasa, hailed as the greatest poet and dramatist in Sanskrit,
in the fourth-fifth century CE mentioned the groves of
Vrindavan and Govardhan hill,
"... the king of Mathura,
Whose fame was acknowledged in song even by the
devatas...
At that moment, though still in Mathura, it appears
As if Ganga has merged with Yamuna at the Sangam...
In a Vrindavan garden which is superior even to
Kubera's garden, known as Chaitra-ratha...
64 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES
You can, as well, during rains, look at the dancing peacocks,
while
Sitting in a pleasant cave of the Goverdhan Mountain"
(Raghuvamsham 6. 45-51).
The Alvar saint, Andal visualized going to a pilgrimage
which began at Mathura, then proceeded to Gokul, the Yamuna,
the pool of Kaliya, Vrindavan, Govardhan, and finished at
Dwarka (Hardy 1983: 424). The eleventh century Kashmiri
poet, Bilhana (Vikramankadeva Caritam 18.87) visited Mathura
and Vrindavan after leaving Kashmir en route to Karnataka.
MAHMUD GHAZNAVI AT MATHURA
Mathura was plundered for twenty-one days during the course
of the ninth invasion of Mahmud Ghaznavi, in 1017 CE.
Mahmud first attacked Mahaban, whose prince Kulchand
killed himself and his family to avoid capture. From there,
the invading force moved to Mathura. Al-Utbi, in his Tarikh-i-
Yamini, detailed the havoc he wrought,
On both sides of the city there were a thousand houses, to
which idol temples were attached ... In the middle of the city
there was a temple larger and firmer than the rest, which
can neither be described nor painted. The Sultan thus wrote
respecting it:-'If any should wish to construct a building
equal to this, he would not be able to do it without expending
a hundred thousand red dinars, and it would occupy two
hundred years, even though the most experienced and able
workmen were employed.' Among the idols there were five
made of red gold, each five yards high, fixed in the air without
support. In the eyes of one of these idols there were two
rubies, of such value, that if anyone were to sell such as are
like them, he would obtain fifty thousand dinars. On another,
there was a sapphire purer than water, and more sparkling
than crystal; the weight was four hundred and fifty miskals.
The two feet of another idol weighed four thousand four
hundred miskals, and the entire quantity of gold yielded by
the bodies of these idols, was ninety-eight thousand three
HALLOWED LAND OF KRISHNA | 65
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hundred miskals. The idols of silver amounted to two
hundred, but they could not be weighed without breaking
them to pieces and putting them into scales. The Sultan
gave orders that all the temples should be burnt with
aphtha and fire, and levelled with the ground (Elliot and
Dowson Vol. II: 248).
GAHADAVALAS — PROTECTORS OF HINDUISM
Despite the calamity, devotees did not forsake Mathura.
Alberuni, writing sometime after Mahmud's sack of the city,
described it as a holy place "crowded with Brahmanas." He
noted, "It is venerated because Vasudeva was there born and
brought up, in a place in the neighbourhood called Nandagola"
(Alberuni 1910: 147-148, 199).
In the twelfth century, the Gahadavala dynasty stood forth
"as champions of Hinduism" (Niyogi 1959: 200). Bhatta
Lakshmidhara, chief minister of the Gahadavala king
Govindachandra (r. 1114-1155), wrote the earliest surviving
collection of verses in praise of the sacred sites of Mathura,
which has been described as "the first re-statement of the
theory of Tirtha-yatra" (Aiyangar 1942: lxxxvii-lxxxviii). In his
Krtyakalpataru, he devoted an entire section (9) to Mathura.
KATRA — KRISHNA REAPPEARS
The most important pilgrimage site in Mathura was Katra
('market place'), now referred to as Krishna Janmasthan ('the
birthplace of Krishna'). Excavations at the site revealed pottery
and terracotta dating to the sixth century BCE, the remains of a
large Buddhist complex, including a monastery called Yasha
Vihara of the Gupta period, as well as Jain sculptures of the
same era.
The temple at Katra was sacked by Mahmud Ghaznavi. A
temple was built to replace it in 1150 CE. The Mathura prasasti,
dated Samvat 1207 (1150 CE), found in 1889 CE at the Keshava
mound by Anton Fuhrer, German Indologist who worked
66 | FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES
with the Archaeological Survey of India, recorded the
foundation of a temple dedicated to Vishnu at the Katra site,
Jajja, who long carried the burden of the varga, together with
a committee of trustees (goshtijana), built a large temple of
Vishnu, brilliantly white and touching the clouds.
Jajja was a vassal of the Gahadavalas in charge of Mathura,
and the committee mentioned in the prasasti could have been
of an earlier Vaishnava temple. The prasasti was incised in the
reign of "his glorious majesty, the supreme king of great
kings..." The name of the king was unclear as a portion of the
prasasti was damaged. It could have been Vijayapala or
Ajayapala. The inscription confirmed the date of one of the
temples buried under the Keshava mound (Epigraphia Indica
Vol. I: 287-289).
A Vishnu temple, the ruins of which are now called
Chaurasi Khambha, was constructed at Kaman by local rulers,
who called themselves Yadavas. Another Vishnu temple was
built at Mahaban in the twelfth century CE by local Rajput chiefs,
perhaps related to Kulchand.
COLLAPSE OF HINDU POWER
Hindu power in the Doab collapsed when the troops of
Muhammad Ghori defeated Jaichand, the last Gahadavala king.
All Buddhist, Jain, and Hindu shrines in and around Mathura
were destroyed. Buddhism never recovered from the assault,
and for the next four centuries any Jain or Hindu shrine
constructed, was demolished. The memory of those temples
and their transformation into mosques was preserved in oral
traditions, and in the many modest shrines built for sculptural
fragments of earlier structures (Entwistle 1987: 122-124).1
KRISHNA TEMPLE DESTROYED
The temple built by Jajja at Katra was destroyed by the forces
of Qutubuddin Aibak, though Feroz Tughlaq (r. 1351-88) was
HALLOWED LAND OF KRISHNA | 67
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also said to have attacked it. It was repaired and survived till
the reign of Sikandar Lodi (r.1489-1517). Ferishta recorded
that Sikandar Lodi was a staunch Muslim, with a passion for
vandalizing heathen temples,
He was firmly attached to the Mahomedan religion, and
made a point of destroying all Hindoo temples. In the city of
Mutra he caused musjids and bazaars to be built opposite
the bathing-stairs leading to the river, and ordered that no
Hindoo should be allowed to bathe there. He forbade the
barbers to shave the beards and heads of the inhabitants, in
order to prevent the Hindoos following their usual practices
at such places (Ferishta Vol. 1 1908: 586).
Abdullah (writing in the time of Jahangir) in his Tarikh-i-
Daudi said of Sikandar Lodi,
He was so zealous a Mussalman that he utterly destroyed
many places of worship of the infidels, and left not a single
vestige remaining of them. He utterly ruined the shrines of
Mathura, that mine of heathenism, and turned their principal
temples into saraes (sarais, rest-houses) and colleges. Their
stone images were given to the butchers to serve them as
meat-weights, and all the Hindus of Mathura were strictly
prohibited from shaving their heads and beards, and
performing their ablutions. He thus put an end to all the
idolatrous rites of the infidels there; and no Hindu, if he
wished to have his head or beard shaved, could get a barber
to do it (Elliot and Dowson Vol. 4: 447).
KRISHNA DEVOTEES ARRIVE AT BRAJ
Despite the hostile circumstances, Krishna devotees continued
to flock to the Braj region. Nimbarka (Bhaskara), a Brahmin
from Andhra who probably lived in the thirteenth century
and propounded the Vaishnava doctrine of bhedabheda
dvaitadvaita (duality in unity), took up residence first at Dhruv
Tila in Mathura, and then proceeded to Nimgaon, near
Govardhan. The temple of Sudarshan at Nimgaon had a statue
of Nimbarka.
Madhavendra Puri, a Tailanga Brahmin and acharya of the
Madhva sampradaya, who probably lived from around 1420 to
1490, was credited with installing an image of Krishna at
Govardhan (Shyamdas 2004: 55-57). He later travelled to Puri
where Mahaprabhu Chaitanya became his disciple (Vaudeville
2005a: 128, 136-139).
Vallabha and Chaitanya also arrived in the Braj region, in
search of sacred places that had been destroyed or lost.
Vallabha (1479-1531) belonged to a family of Telugu Brahmins
that had been Krishna devotees for generations. His mother
was the daughter of a priestly family that served the
Vijayanagara rulers (Barz 1976: 20-28). In the Shrikrsnashrayah,
that formed part of his Sodashagrantha, Vallabha said of his
age,
The Mlecchas have surrounded all the holy places with the
result that they have become infected with evil. Besides, the
holy people are full of sorrow. At such a time Krishna alone
is my Way... (Barz 1976: 16).
According to tradition, in 1493, when Vallabha was at
Jharkhand, Sri Govardhannathji ordered him,
As you know well, I am present in a cave of Sri Giriraj under
my essential form (svarupa) of 'Sri Govardhanadhara.' None
but the Brajvasis who live over there had a vision of Myself.
Now I intend to make myself manifest to all but, for that
purpose, I have been waiting for you. So now you must go
quickly to establish my cult (seva) over there. The people
who were living there at the time of the Krsna-avatara have
come back to the Braj country. Do take them under your
protection and make them my 'servants' (sevaka) and I Myself
will play with them, so that, besides the dignity of being Sri
Hari's slaves they will also obtain the favour of my own
presence (Vaudeville 2005a: 111).
As directed, Vallabha went to Braj and established the
svarupa under its true name, Sri Govardhannathji. A rough
HALLOWED LAND OF KRISHNA | 69
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shelter was erected over the svarupa, and a person appointed
to perform simple seva (Shyamdas 2004: 47). Sri
Govardhannathji also revealed to Vallabha the
Brahmasambandha mantra, the sacred chant to initiate disciples
to his sampradaya (the Pushtimarga). In 1520, the construction
of a temple for Sri Govardhannathji was completed. In the
lifetime of Vallabha, and his sons Gopinath and Vitthalnath,
that was the principal shrine of the sampradaya (Barz 1976: 28-
29).
Vallabhacharya's descendants from the seven sons of his
second son, Vitthalnath Gosain, had a special status in the
sampradaya as each was given an image of divine origin, from
the nine treasures (navnidhis) he had obtained in his lifetime.
Vallabhacharya gave them to Vitthalnath Gosain, who in turn
distributed them among his seven sons. These eight major
stem lineages, known as gaddis or pithas (seats), were ranked
according to their seniority of descent from Vallabhacharya.
Vitthalnath's eldest son Giridhar (and his descendants), had
the highest spiritual status, as he had the original svarupa of
Sri Govardhannathji (usually called Sri Nathji). The image of
Sri Nathji was the most revered, as it was believed to contain
all the attributes of the other seven deities (Barz 1976: 41-42;
Peabody 2003: 58).2
Around the same time as the Pushtimarga, the Gaudiya
sampradaya associated with Mahaprabhu Chaitanya (1485-
1533) also took roots. The Caitanya Caritamrta stated that
Chaitanya sent two of his most famous disciples, Rupa and
Sanatan, to locate the holy spots and images in Braj that were
missing or "hidden" for centuries (Caitanya Caritamrta 1999:
20-21). The Mathura Katha of Pulin Bihari Das said that Rupa
and Sanatan spent fifteen years in Braj, recovering the lost
lila-sthalas. Chaitanya, on his arrival in Braj in the year 1516 CE,
identified the lost Radha kund (Caitanya Caritamrta 1999: 596-
597).3
KESHAV TEMPLE IN THE TIME OF AKBAR
Though vandalized in the Sultanate period, the Keshav temple
seemed to have been adequately restored to serve as a place
of worship by the time of Akbar's reign (1556-1605). The
Portuguese, Father Antonio Monserrate (1536-1600), one of
the Jesuits at the Mughal court, visited Mathura in 1580-82,
and noted that all temples built at sites associated with the
deeds of Krishna were in ruins,
...only one Hindu temple is left out of many; for the
Musalmans have completely destroyed all except the
pyramids. Huge crowds of pilgrims come from all over India
to this temple, which is situated on the high bank of the
Jomains (Monserrate 1922: 93).
Father Monserrate reported that pilgrims to the Krishna
temple had to first go to the river-side and shave off their
hair and beards before being permitted to enter the temple,
The Brachmanae do not allow these pilgrims to enter the
temple till they have been to the river-side and shaved off
their hair and beards in the case of men and their hair and
eye-brows in the case of women; then they must dip
themselves several times into the river, that the water may
wash away their sins: for the Brachmanae promise
forgiveness of all sins to those who have bathed in this
water. It is an extraordinary sight; for there are more than
three hundred barbers, who very swiftly shave a huge
multitude both of men and women standing up to their
waists in the river, on steps which have been built there.
The sexes are mixed together; but all is done with perfect
modesty. For the cunning of the Evil One is such that he has
put a false idea of religion into their minds: so that they
regard it as a heinous offence to do anything foul or
immodest in such a sacred place (as they regard it)
(Monserrate 1922: 93).
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KESHAVA TEMPLE REBUILT
The Keshavadeva temple was rebuilt in the reign of Jahangir
(r. 1605-1627) by the Bundela ruler, Bir Singh Deo, at a cost of
thirty-three lakh rupees, when gold was priced at Rs. 10/-
per tola. A grand structure, it was regarded a "wonder of the
age" (Sarkar Vol. III 1921: 266). The Anandakanda-campu,
creddited to Bir Singh's poet Mitra Misra, retold the story of
Keshavadeva. In its last chapter, the sage Narada expressed
grief at the state of the earth after Keshava's departure. Brahma
comforted him, prophesizing that Bir Singh would come and
rectify the situation, and then described the beauty of the
Keshava temple at Mathura (Pauwels 2011: 228).
Shaikh Farid Bhakkari wrote of Bir Singh's temple,
He constructed such an idol-house (deorha) in Mathura as
will endure till the time of Resurrection. About ten lakh
rupees have been spent on it. He had constructed in his
native state a tank, forts and lofty edifices. A number of
times he seated himself to weigh against gold, and once
gave in charity one thousand coins with one thousand silver
ewers (lotas) to Brahmins (Dhakhiratul Khawanin 2003: 134).
Francois Bernier saw the temple in 1663,
Between Dehli and Agra, a distance of fifty or sixty leagues,
there are no fine towns such as travellers pass through in
France; the whole road is cheerless and uninteresting;
nothing is worthy of observation but Maturas (Mathura),
where an ancient and magnificent temple of idols is still to
be seen (Bernier 1916: 284).
The French merchant, Jean-Baptiste Tavernier (1605-1689)
described it in 1650,
... It is one of the most sumptuous buildings in all India ...
Although this pagoda, which is very large, is in a hollow,
one sees it from more than 5 or 6 coss distance, the building
being very elevated and very magnificent... (Tavernier 1889:
240-243).
72 | FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES
The Central Asian traveller, Mahmud Balkhi who travelled
across north India from 1624 and 1631, wrote of 'the temple
of Lala Bir Singh,' and the huge numbers who visited it,
Outside this grand and matchless building are a school, a
worship house, an inn, about 80 houses in all, fully occupied
and engaged. Although the worship was coming to an end,
the men and women were dispersing, nearly thirty thousand
men and women together and close (to each other) were
present on that unique place. Orators, reciters of holy books,
dominis, and all the administrators of affairs and others
were present. Everyone stayed with their respective guides.
Due to the large crowd and the ecstasy due to religious
songs, it was difficult to keep one's bearing there (O'Hanlon
2011: 196).
ENTER AURANGZEB
The Mughal Emperor, Aurangzeb (r. 1658-1707) first
intervened in the affairs of the region in 1665, when he
prohibited celebrations of Holi and Diwali, and cremation of
the dead on the banks of the Yamuna. The Italian traveller,
Niccolao Manucci (1638-1717) noted the ban on Holi, "He
hindered the Hindus from enjoying their merry-making or
carnival ... The time of this festival or carnival falls ordinarily
on the moon of March" (Manucci Vol. II 1907: 154).
A year later, on 14th October 1666, Aurangzeb ordered
the removal of the stone railing prince Dara had presented to
the Keshava temple, as it was "a scandalous example of a
Muslim's coquetry with idolatry" (Sarkar Vol. III 1921: 267).
The railing was made of wood, which had decayed, and Dara
had replaced it with one of stone (Sharma 1940: 170).
In 1669, Aurangzeb issued a general order for the
demolition of Hindu schools and temples, and in 1670,
specifically ordered the destruction of the Keshavadeva
temple. Saqi Mustaid Khan recorded,
HALLOWED LAND OF KRISHNA | 73
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"On Thursday, 27th January/15 Ramzan (27 January 1670)
...the Emperor as the promoter of justice and overthrower of
mischief, as a knower of truth and destroyer of oppression,
as the zephyr of the garden of victory and the reviver of the
faith of the Prophet, issued orders for the demolition of the
temple situated in Mathura, famous as the Dehra of Kesho
Rai. In a short time by the great exertions of his officers, the
destriction of this strong foundation of infidelity was
accomplished and on its site a lofty mosque was built by the
expenditure of a large sum... Praised be the august God of
the faith of Islam, that in the auspicious reign of this
destroyer of infidelity and turbulence, such a wonderful
and seemingly impossible work was successfully
accomplished.
On seeing this instance of the strength of the emperor's faith
and the grandeur of his devotion to God, the proud Rajas
were stifled, and in amazement they stood like images facing
the wall. The idols, large and small, set with costly jewels,
which had been set up in the temple, were brought to Agra,
and buried under the steps of the mosque of the Begum
Sahib in order to be continuously trodden upon. The name
of Mathura was changed to Islamabad (Saqi Mustaid Khan
1947: 60).
Manucci described the event,
...the great temple of Matora (Mathura), which was of such
a height that its gilded pinnacle could be seen from Agrah,
eighteen leagues away. In its place a mosque was to be
erected, to which he gave the name of Essalamabad
(Islamabad) - that is, 'built by the faithful'... (Manucci Vol.
II 1907: 154).
F.S. Growse, Collector and District Magistrate of Mathura,
subsequently wrote,
...during the fast of Ramazan ... Aurangzeb had descended
in person on Mathura. The temple specially marked out for
destriction, was one built so recently, in the reign of
74 | FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES
Jahangir, at a cost of 33 lakhs by Bir Singh Deva, the Bundela,
of Urcha. Beyond all doubt this was the last of the famous
shrines of Kesava Deva ... The mosque erected on its ruins is
a building of little architectural value but the natural
advantage of its lofty and isolated position render it a
striking feature in the landscape (Growse 1874: 37, 126).
An Idgah was built at the site of the temple (Sarkar Vol.
III 1921: 281-2; Sharma 1940: 172). Alexander Cunningham,
who visited Mathura several times, noted,
...there can be little doubt that the great temple of Kesava
had stood on this site (Katra) from a very early date, although
often thrown down and as often renewed (Cunningham
1969: 31).
In his second report of 1862-63, Cunningham wrote that
inscriptions reused as pavement slabs in the mosque showed
that the temple was still standing in the year 1663. He verified
the charge against Aurangzeb,
...by means of some inscriptions on the pavement slabs,
which were recorded by Hindu pilgrims to the shrine of
Kesava Ray. In relaying the pavement the Muhammadan
architect was obliged to cut many of the slabs to make them
fit into their new places. This was proved by several slabs
bearing incomplete portions of Nagari inscriptions of a late
date. One slab has '... vat. 1713, Phalgun,' the initial Sam of
Samvat having been cut off. Another slab has the name of
Keso Ray, the rest being wanting, while a third bears the
date of Samvat 1720. These dates are equivalent to AD 1656
and 1663; and, as the latter is five years subsequent to the
accession of Aurangzeb, it is certain that the Hindu temple
was still standing at the beginning of his reign
(Cunningham 1885: 39).
According to Vijay (Braj bhumi mohini, Vrindaban, Svami
Sriram Sarma, Ramesvar Sadan, 1985), the deity of the
Keshavadeva temple was taken to village Rasdhan in Kanpur
District (Entwistle 1987: 180-81).
HALLOWED LAND OF KRISHNA | 75
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Brajnath's Sri Braj Parikrama suggested that worship at the
site resumed at some stage. There was also a reference to the
pilgrimage of Datiya king Parichat, in 1822 in Braj Bhumi Prakas
by Naval Singh Pradhan. It described the visit of the king,
A new dwelling place had been made, two Siva temples
and a Siva pond,
Having seen them, he took darsana of the meritorious grand
Kesavadeva.
He has a special crown (kirita mukuta) on the head,
resplendent with a beautiful forehead mark (tilaka).
His special chest-jewel (kaustubha mani), and Vaijayanti
garland are gorgeous,
Dark hairlocks and curls, in his ears earrings shaped like
magic creatures (makara),
His limbs shine with the colour of a deep sapphire, Indra's
jewel in marvellous ways.
In his arms he carries the shell, disc, mace and lotus; his
yellow cloth and sash shine.
Thus, taking in the auspicious sight of Kesavadeva's true
form, heaps of sins are destroyed.
Worshipping him with costly gifts, bowing his head,
The king stood taking in darsana of Vishnu for a long time.
The detailed account indicated that the image was similar
to the one Aurangzeb had taken away (Pauwels 2011: 235-
236). Or was it a mere visualization of an image and shrine
that no longer existed?
TEMPLE REBUILT IN INDEPENDENT INDIA
After the decline of the Mughals, the site became a subject of
legal disputes. In 1815, the East India Company auctioned the
area of Katra Keshavadeva, which was purchased by Raja
Patnimal of Banaras. He could not build the temple, as he was
embroiled in legal battles over ownership of the land with
Muslims of Banaras. Eventually, the judiciary ruled in favour
of the heirs of Raja Patnimal. In 1944, Pandit Madan Mohan
Malaviya, dismayed at the conditions at the site, arranged for
76 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES
acquisition of the land. Jugal Kishore Birla formed a trust to
which the land rights were transferred. The Krishna temple
was completed in 1965 (Pl. 16).
TEMPLES IN VRINDAVAN
THE TEMPLE OF GOVINDADEVA
On their arrival at Vrindavan, the followers of Chaitanya first
erected a shrine in honour of Vrinda Devi. No trace of it
survives. Rupa then built a temple for the image of
Govindadeva that became manifest at the ancient site of
Yogapitha (Gomatila, the hill of Goma). A handwritten
manuscript in the Khas Muhar collection in the Jaipur Pothikhana
stated,
Sri Govindadeva ji became manifest in Samvat 1592 (1535
CE). Sri Rupa Gosvami had a dream on the eleventh day
(ekadasi) in the bright fortnight of Jyestha; the ritual bath
(abhiseka, marking the establishment of the image) took place
on the fifth day of the bright fortnight in Magha (Bahura
1996: 199).
After performing abhisheka, Rupa installed the image on
an earthen platform at Gomatila and commenced worship. In
his Sri Mathura Mahatmya, Rupa said,
Text 155
What heart, seeing the Deity of Lord Hari, who resides on
Govardhan Hill, in the western part of the lotus, and who is
the master of the demigods, will remain unhappy?
Text 156
A person who sees the handsome Deity of Lord Govinda in
the northern part of this lotus will not fall into the ocean of
repeated birth and death (Sri Mathura Mahatmya).
Rupa soon built a permanent temple of red sandstone, the
ruins of which can be seen in the northwest corner of the
Govindadeva temple mound. The saint, Mirabai (1498-1546)
HALLOWED LAND OF KRISHNA | 77
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had darshan of the deity when she visited Vrindavan in 1538-
1539 CE on her way to Dwarka,
O body! I am fascinated by Vrndavana where, in every
house, tulasi is planted and Thakurji (Krsna) is worshipped,
and regular darsana of Sri Govindadevaji is available (Nath
1996: 162).
Bhatta Narayana's Sri Vraja Bhakti Vilasa (1552 CE), the
early authoritative source of the Braj mandal parikrama also
mentioned "Sri Govinda darsana" at Vrindavan. The deity was
worshiped in that red sandstone temple from 1535 to 1590.
The Vaishnava saints who settled in the area were noticed
by Akbar, and Raja Man Singh, who accompanied the Emperor
on his visit to Vrindavan in 1570. On seeing Govindadeva, the
Lord of Gokul installed in a small temple, Man Singh vowed
to construct a suitable shrine for the deity.
Work on Man Singh's temple commenced in 1576 and was
completed in 1590,5 as attested by several inscriptions on the
temple walls (Pl. 17). The temple comprised of a gigantic
mulaprasada (shrine proper), that was probably surmounted by
a grand mahameru sikhara; the subsidiary shrines of Yogamaya
on the south and Vrinda Devi on the north, were probably
crowned by nagara shikharas. There was also a well-planned
antarala (antechamber) with a vaulted ceiling (Nath 1996: 163).
The first image instated in the temple was of Govindadeva
that Rupa Gosain had obtained/discovered in 1535 CE. The
second was a murti of Krishna, in the tribhanga posture, sent
by Mahaprabhu Chaitanya through Kasisvara Pandita, with
the message: "This image is identical with me." The third was
the image of Sri Radha, offered to Govindadeva in 1633 CE, by
the king of Udisa, Purusottama Deva (Bahura 1996: 206). Images
of Vrinda Devi and Yogamaya were installed in attached
shrines. Govindadeva was worshipped at that temple from
1590 to 1669.
Aurangzeb's order of 1669 led to a mass exodus of deities
78 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES
from the region. Most of them were taken to Rajasthan, where
they were assured protection." Their journey from the Mathura
region is detailed in a subsequent chapter.
PILGRIMAGE CONTINUED IN BRAJ
Despite the departure of deities, devotional activity in Braj
did not come to a complete halt. A few priests of the
Govindadeva temple returned in 1675 to repossess land that
had been unlawfully seized when the shrine was abandoned.
Documents with the Kacchavahas of Amer confirmed that by
1700 worship at the Govindadeva temple in Vrindavan had
resumed, with a substitute image in the garbhagriha (Horstmann
1996: 186-187).
SAWAI JAI SINGH
The Amer ruler, Sawai Jai Singh (r. 1700-1743) availed the
opportunity provided by Mughal decline following the death
of Aurangzeb to buttress the Hindu position (Okita 2014: 32-
33). He used his standing at the Mughal court to seek redress
for Hindu grievances. The jizya, abolished by Emperor Farrukh
Siyar in January 1713, had been re-imposed in April 1717. In a
letter to Jai Singh explaining the reasons for the reversal in
imperial policy, the Emperor stated, "Inayetullah (the new
diwān and former secretary of Aurangzeb) has placed before
me a letter from the Sheriff of Mecca urging that the collection
of jizya is obligatory according to our Holy Book. In a matter
of faith, I am powerless (to intervene)." Jai Singh successfully
pleaded against the tax with Emperor Muhammad Shah
(Chandra 2003: 350-353). In 1728, at his urging, the Emperor
abolished the tax on pilgrims at Gaya. In 1730, again on his
intervention, the long-standing tax levied on Hindus at certain
bathing sites was withdrawn (Sarkar 1984: 224-226).
Jai Singh strove to improve conditions for pilgrims in
Hindu sacred cities. In 1733, he secured the faujdari of Gaya
in addition to that he held of Mathura, which enabled him to
HALLOWED LAND OF KRISHNA | 79
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```json
{
"full_text": "contribute to the betterment of holy sites in the regions\n(Bhatnagar 1974: 340-341). He founded several small, fortified\ntownships or localities, called Jaisinghpuras, in the provinces\nwhere he was posted; at Kabul, Peshawar, Multan, Lahore,\nDelhi, Agra, Patna, Burhanpur, Aurangabad, and Ellichpur.\nHe also purchased land and established Jaisinghpuras at almost\nall important Hindu religious centres in north India; Mathura,\nVrindavan, Kashi-Banaras, Prayag-Allahabad, Ujjain, and\nAyodhya, in a bid to restore Hindu dharma (Bhatt 2005: 145;\nNath 2004).\nAccording to his biographer Atmaram, when Jai Singh was\nin Braj during the campaign against Churaman Jat, he bathed\nat Radha kund on the full moon of Kartik, went to Mathura in\nthe month of Shravan in 1724, and performed the marriage of\nhis daughter on Janmashtami. He then undertook a tour of the\nsacred forests of Braj, and, on his return to Mathura, founded\nreligious establishments, and celebrated Holi. In 1727, he again\nvisited Braj and offered his weight in gold at Vishram Ghat.\nHe constructed some ghats at Vrindavan, and built a temple\nof Sitaram on Vishram Ghat in 1732. Four years later, he\nconstructed another temple at Govardhan, dedicated to\nGovardhannath (Roy 1978: 228-229).\nPILGRIMAGE BY FAMILY OF PESHWA\nDuring the period of Maratha expansion, pilgrimage to holy\nplaces in the north became frequent. The constant movement\nof Maratha troops afforded pilgrims the requisite protection.\nThe Peshwa's mother, Kashitai performed pilgrimage for four\nyears in the north, visiting Mathura, Prayag, Ayodhya,\nBanaras, and other holy places, during which Jai Singh ensured\nher safe passage (Sardesai Vol. II 1946: 243).\nNOTES\n1. Hindus and Jains continued to observe their religious customs\ndiscretely in Mathura on payment of a pilgrimage tax.\n80 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nJinaprabhasuri Suri, in his Vividtirthakalpa (Mathurapurikalpa),\ndescribed Mathura as twelve by nine yojanas in extent. He\ndocumented that he \"restored the holy place of Mahura\"\n(Shinohara and Granoff 2006: 16). The remains of a Jain temple\nwere discovered at Sahar with inscriptions dated 1371-72 CE\n(Entwistle 1987: 134-135).\n2. Akbar granted several favours to Vitthal. When Akbar directed\nhim to seek a royal favour, Vitthal asked for the grant of Gokul,\nwhich he had decided to make his permanent residence. Akbar\nbestowed it on him by a farman, dated 13th September 1577.\nThe farman was not the grant of the village; it was an Imperial\ncommand by Akbar directing his officers to allow Vitthal to\nlive peacefully at Gokul, and not demand any taxes etc., from\nhim, his relatives, or retainers. \"They must allow him to live\nin his place and home, easy at heart, so that he might engage\nhimself in praying for our daily increasing fortune and the\nperpetuity of our eternity allied dignity\" (Jhaveri 1928: Farman\n1). In another farman, dated 9th March 1581, the Emperor\nordered Government officials, \"At this time we have ordered\nthat the cows of the indisputable prayer-offerer (well-wisher)\nVithalrai, wearer of the sacred thread (Brahmin), wherever\nthey are, should be allowed to graze. In Khalsa or Jagir (lands),\nno one should injure or obstruct them in the least...\" (Jhaveri\n1928: Farman II). In what has been described as a rare instance,\nthe Emperor's mother, Hamida Banu Begam, reiterated the\norder to officers of the pargana of Mahaban, \"They must permit\nhis cows to graze (wherever they are)\" (Jhaveri 1928: Farman\nIII).\n3. Vallabha and his successors were primarily devoted to the\nchild Krishna, and advocated a type of bhakti known as\nvatsalya. They focused on Gokul-Mahaban and Govardhan,\nwhere their main temples were established. Chaitanya and\nhis followers, were devotees of the cult of the divine couple\nRadha-Krishna, and advocated the madhurya type of bhakti.\nThey re-sacralised Vrindavan, where the Nimbarkites, who\nviewed Radha as the supreme divinity, were also gathering\n(Vaudeville 2005: 57-58).\n4. Some scholars have made much of the fact that temples built\nin Vrindavan in the 16th-17th centuries were of the same red\nHALLOWED LAND OF KRISHNA 81"
},
"metadata": {}
}
```
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sandstone used in the construction of Mughal forts at Agra
and Delhi. Bir Singh Deo's temple at Mathura was also built
of red sandstone. According to them, "This symbolizes nicely
how Braj bhakti was literally built with the same material as
the empire or implicated strongly in the Mughal imperial
formation" (Pauwels 2011: 224-225). While discussing the
temple at Mathura, the scholar repeatedly stated, "none of
these sources specifies that the temple in Mathura was a
Janmabhumi temple" (Pauwels 2011: 227, 232). The purported
focus of her study was the temple of Kesavadeva at Mathura
and of Caturbhujadeva at Orccha. Was the antiquity of the
Janmabhumi temple also under examination even if not
explicitly stated, or was that added as an aside? Does that say
anything about the neutrality of the scholar?
5. Other temples built included those of Gopinath, Jugal Kishor,
Madan Mohan, Radha Damodar, and Radha Ballabh. The
original image of the Madan Mohan temple was taken to
Karauli, where Raja Gopal Singh, who reigned from 1725 to
1757, built a shrine for it. A new temple of Gopinath was built
in 1821 by a Bengali Kayastha, Nand Kumar Ghose, who also
constructed a new Madan Mohan shrine. The Radha Ballabh
temple was repaired by Growse. The temple of Radha Damodar
had a special claim to distinction as it contained the ashes of
Jiva, its founder, and his two uncles, Rupa and Sanatana,
who in their life-time had expressed a wish to buried together
in its precincts (Growse 1979: 252-257).
Akbar made several revenue grants to temples in Mathura
and its environs. The earliest surviving grant was in January
1565. After 1580, no imperial grants were made to any temple
in Mathura for eighteen years. A farman of 1598, recorded
grants to thirty-five temples in Mathura and its environs,
totalling 500 bighas ilahi, half in cultivated land and half in
wasteland. In all, grants to temples and temple-servants
totalled 1000 bighas of land to thirty-five temples in Vrindavan,
Mathura, and its environs. The temples were set in seven
groups, and a separate farman was issued for each (Mukherjee
and Habib 1988: 234-248).
Akbar had a special relationship with the Kacchavahas of
Amber, beginning with Raja Bharmal, who joined Mughal
82 | FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES
service along with his son, Bhagwant Das, and grandson,
Man Singh. In 1593-94, when the Ain-i-Akbari's list of
mansabdars was drawn up, 13 of the 27 Rajputs mentioned
therein were Kacchavahas, variously related to the Amber
house (Chandra 2003: 392).
6. Growse described the Govindadeva temple as "not only the
finest of this particular series, but is the most impressive
religious edifice that Hindu art has ever produced, at least in
Upper India" (Growse 1874: 241). He said that consequent to
Aurangzeb's order, the temple's sanctum was "utterly razed
to the ground," the chapel towers never completed, and that
over the choir lost several of its upper quarters. All that had
given the structure a stunted appearance. A plain masonry
wall that had been constructed along the top of the central
dome, had further added to the deformity. The wall was
believed to have been erected by Aurangzeb to desecrate the
temple, though some hold it was built by the Hindus
themselves to assist in some grand illumination.
Growse ordered the removal of the wall, and cleared the debris
around the building before handing it back to the Hindus
(Growse 1874: 243-245). According to Growse, the sanctum
was roughly rebuilt in brick in 1854, and contained an image
of Krishna as Giridhar, with two subordinate figures,
representing Mahaprabhu Chaitanya and Nityananda.
7. Some scholars claimed that Aurangzeb destroyed the
Keshavadeva temple in retaliation for the Jat rebellion. But
Jats were not the builders of the temple. Also, the demolition
of the temple failed to quell the uprising. The people of the
region had long been victims of the highhandedness of Mughal
faujdars at Mathura. Murshid Quli Khan Turkman repeatedly
harrassed Hindu women. Abdunnabi Khan built a mosque
(the Jama Masjid) in the centre of Mathura on the site of a
Hindu temple (Sarkar Vol. III: 291-293; Goel Vol. II 1991: 83-
84).
According to Irfan Habib, the Jat rebellion "had no connexion
with any particular religious movement" (Habib 2003: 393).
He mentioned the high revenue demand as a factor that fuelled
the Jat unrest. Under the leadership of Gokula, other local
communities like the Meenas and Gujjars, joined the Jats.
HALLOWED LAND OF KRISHNA | 83
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Gokula was captured after a grim battle. In January 1670, on
his refusal to embrace Islam, his limbs were hacked off, and
his son and daughter forcibly converted to Islam (Dwivedi
1989: 29-31). That did not stem the uprising. The Jats resumed
their rebellion under Raja Ram and Ram Chehra, zamindars
of Sansani and Soghar, even pillaging Akbar's mausoleum at
Sikandra. In 1688, Aurangzeb appointed prince Bedar Bakht
to “...raze their villages and to extirpate once and forever this
malicious race and plague of public tranquillity.” Raja Ram
was killed and Ram Chehra taken prisoner. He was beheaded
at Agra and "publicly exposed at the largest gate, in front of
the fortress and at the bazaar" (Wendel 1991: 14-15). The death
of Aurangzeb, and the succession disputes among his sons,
gave the Jats an opportunity to recoup their strength. Under
Churaman (1695-1721), they continued to raid the main route
from Delhi to Agra. Their stronghold was, however, attacked
in 1716-1718, and Churaman killed. Under Badan Singh (1721-
1756), "the new raja of Birj," the Jats emerged more powerful
than ever before. Besides a great number of foot soldiers, Badan
Singh collected a considerable cavalry, a part of which he
deployed on the Delhi-Agra route, and a part in extending the
area of his jurisdiction. Dig, Kumbhir, Bharatpur, Wair were
also fortified for future struggle. Jat power attained new heights
under Suraj Mal.
It was also difficult to accept that Aurangzeb's order on
demolition of temples was provoked by the Bundela rebellion.
There was no Bundela unrest in 1670, when the temple was
destroyed. The first Bundela rebellion led by Jujhar Singh had
been crushed in 1635, in the reign of Shah Jahan (r. 1628-
1658). Jujhar Singh's two sons and a grandson were converted
to Islam, one son who refused to convert was killed, and the
ladies of his household sent to the Mughal harem. Jujhar
Singh was driven to the jungles, caught by a party of Gonds,
and killed. The second rebellion ended with the death of
Champat Rai, in 1661. Champat Rai's son, Chhatrasal, who
had joined the Mughal army against the Marathas, returned
to the north only in 1671 (Kolff 1990: 141-143; Richards 1993:
130; Goel 1991: 83).
Some scholars reiterate that temple destruction was "a
statement of reassertion of Mughal imperial power against its
recalcitrant vassals." Further, "Far from posing a threat to
Hinduism, Mughal rule seems here to have helped solidify
and extend what became 'mainstream' Hindu religiosity in
north India by the eighteenth century, particularly via the
institutionalization of Vaishnava religiosity in grand temples"
(Pauwels 2011: 237-238).
How would that account for the destruction of the Bindu
Madhava temple, the most important Vishnu temple in
Varanasi since the 5th century CE, by Aurangzeb? And could
"recalcitrant vassals" be identified in every case of temple
destruction?
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6
Kashi and Ayodhya
KASHI - CITY OF LIGHT
M
entioned in Vedic, Epic, Puranic, Buddhist, and Jain
literature, Kashi was a substantial settlement by the
ninth century BCE (Vidyarthi 1979: 25-26).
Excavations at Rajghat Plateau traced the earliest habitation
at the site to the eighth century BCE. Kashi's sanctity as a sacred
centre drew countless seers and pilgrims down the ages. It
was to Banaras that the Buddha went after his enlightenment,
to deliver his first sermon at the Deer Park in Sarnath.
Mahavira also traversed there in the course of his wanderings
as a spiritual teacher. Jain association with Varanasi, however,
predated Mahavira. Jain tradition held that Suparshva, the
seventh tirthankara, and Parasnath, the twenty-third, were both
born in the city.
The first seals with Shaivite emblems found in Varanasi
dated to the early CE. The Tirthayatra parvan of the Mahabharata
mentioned a Shiva sanctuary, Vrsadhvaja with an annexe
bathing pool (Kapilahrada) at the edge of Varanasi. A variety
of seals were found from the fourth to sixth centuries CE, mostly
86 | FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES
issued by Shaivite shrines, particularly of Avimuktesvara
(Bakker 1996: 33-34).
Vaishnavism was also well represented in Varanasi.
Among the sculptural remnants recovered was a first century
BCE image of Balarama, who became recognized as Krishna's
elder brother. The finds included a small sixth-century image
of baby Krishna stealing butter (Eck 2015: 66). The existence
of a magnificent Vishnu temple was apparent with the recovery
of a Gupta period image of Krishna holding aloft Mt.
Govardhan, near Bakaria Kund. Many seals bearing
Vaishnavite personal names in Gupta characters were found
in the Rajghat area. One seal depicted the replica of a Vaishnava
temple of the Gupta period. The Sarnath Stone Inscription of
Prakataditya, of the late seventh century, recorded his
construction of a temple for Vishnu, under the name Muradvis,
and provisions for its repairs (Shastri 1975: 73-74).
Hiuen Tsang, who visited Banaras in the seventh century,
recorded that it housed a hundred or so Deva temples, around
thirty sangharamas, and three thousand priests. In the capital
there were twenty Deva temples, "the towers and halls of
which are of sculptured stone and carved wood" (Beal 1884:
Part II Book VII: 44-45). The Vividtirthakalpa of Jinaprabhasuri
listed Varanasi among Jain holy sites.
BANARAS ATTACKED
Banaras experienced its first Muslim attack in 1033 CE, when
troops of Ahmad Nialtagin, son of Mahmud Ghaznavi,
suddenly appeared before the city. Nialtagin came to plunder
and was in the city for a few hours. Abul Fazl al-Baihaki (995-
1077) described the incursion,
The army could only remain there from morning to mid-day
prayer because of the peril. The markets of the drapers,
perfumers, and jewellers, were plundered, but it was
impossible to do more. The people of the army became rich,
for they all carried off gold, silver, perfumes and jewels, and
got back in safety (Elliot and Dowson Vol. II: 124).
KASHI AND AYODHYA | 81
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Hindu sanctuaries were desecrated, but the mutilation was
limited at that point. The following year, Mahmud Ghaznavi's
nephew, Salar Masud on way to Bahraich, dispatched a portion
of his army under Malik Afzal Alavi, towards Varanasi. The
invading force reached the city boundary, where it was wholly
wiped out in a fierce battle. At the battle site later stood the
Masjid-i-Ganj-i-Shahidan. The women and children who
accompanied the troops were permitted to settle in the forest
area north of the town (named Alavi-pura, after the leader of
the campaign, it survives to the present day).
As a counter to the Islamic challenge, towards the close of
the eleventh century the Gahadavalas shifted the seat of their
power from the imperial city of Kanauj to the religious centre
of Varanasi. They even levied the 'Turks' tax' (turuskadanda),
to meet the costs of maintaining a huge standing army to meet
the new danger (Niyogi 1959: 180-181, 189). In their first known
inscriptions, the Gahadavalas declared themselves "protectors
of the (north) Indian holy places (tirtha) ..." (Epigraphia Indica
Vol. XIV: 197).
TEMPLES REBUILT
Six copper plates issued by Chandradeva (r. 1089-1103), first
king of the Gahadavala dynasty, in the years vs 1150 and 1156
(1090-1091-1098-1099), were found at Chandravati, Banaras
(Epigraphia Indica Vol. XIV: 192-196). The inscription of vs 1156
stated that Chandradeva set up an image of Adi Keshava and
adorne it with gold and jewels. Another inscription of the
same king recorded that after a munificent gift of gold and
other valuables equal to the king's weight, and a thousand
cows to the image of Adi Keshava, a village was granted for
the maintenance of the shrine of Chandra Mahadeva (Niyogi
1959: 195).
The twenty-six shloka long Sarnath inscription of Kumara
Devi, queen of Govindachandra Gahadavala (r. 1114-1155),
discovered by Alexander Cunningham near Dhamek stupa in
88 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES
1908, mentioned a new vihara she had constructed. It stated
that Kumara Devi restored the "Lord of the Turning of the
Wheel," Dharmachakra Jina ("in accordance with the form in
which it existed in the time of Dharmasoka, the ruler of men"),
at the request of Jambuki, "foremost of the pattalikas". The
Jina was instated in the vihara (Epigraphia Indica Vol. IX: 319-
328; Bhattacharya 1924: 175).
ATTACKS RESUMED
In 1194 CE, Qutubuddin Aibak, military commander of
Muhammad Ghori, led a force that devastated Banaras. Hardly
a shrine survived the offensive (Lannoy 1999: 568-569). Hasan
Nizami claimed that over a thousand temples were ravaged,
the royal army proceeded towards Benares, 'which is in
the centre of the country of Hind,' and here they destroyed
nearly one thousand temples, and raised mosques on their
foundations; and the knowledge of the law became
promulgated, and the foundations of religion were
established; 'and the face of the dinar and the diram was
adorne with the name and blessed titles' of the king. The
Rais and chiefs of Hind came forward to proffer their
allegiance. 'The government of that country was bestowed
on one of the most celebrated and exalted servants of the
State,' in order that he might distribute justice and repress
idolatry (Elliot and Dowson Vol. II: 223-224).
TEMPLE CONSTRUCTION RESUMED:
A PILLAR OF VICTORY
Aibak's blitz did not appear to have served as a deterrent for
long. An inscription, dated 1212 CE, recorded the erection of a
sacrificial post and a pillar of victory at the centre of Varanasi,
designated the holy field (kshetra) of Shiva Visveshvara, the
'Lord of All,' by a Sena king of Bengal, named Visvarupa. He
perhaps lacked the resources and time to construct a larger
structure like a temple (Bakker 1996: 39-42).1
KASHI AND AYODHYA 89
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TWO GRAND TEMPLES BUILT
PADMESVARA TEMPLE
Early in the fourteenth century, two grand temples were built
in Varanasi - Padmesvara near the Visveshvara temple, and
Manikarnikesvara at Manikarnika ghat. The Padmesvara
inscription of 1353 CE recorded the construction of the
Padmesvara (Vishnu) temple on the north-side entrance of
the Visveshvara temple at Kashi by Padma Sadhu. The
inscription recorded,
Om! Glory be to Ganapati. In Ayodhya lived formerly
Sadhesadhu, the speaker of truth, beloved of good men,
whose delight consisted in the welfare of all beings. His son
was the famous Sadhunidhi, whose son Padmasadhu, of
steadfast virtue, on the north side of the entrance to the
Visvesvara temple at Kasi built a solid and lofty temple of
god Padmesvara, on Wednesday, the twelfth day of the
waning moon of the month of Jyaishtha, in the year of Plava:
Samvat 1353, on which day this eulogy was written (Fuhrer
1889: 51).
PADMESVARA INSCRIPTION TAKEN TO
LAL DARWAZA MASJID
In the reign of Akbar, the Padmesvara inscription was shifted
to the Lal Darwaza Masjid in Jaunpur (Pl. 18). By then, the
Visveshvara temple had been demolished and its stones used
by Bayizid Bayat. In his memoirs, Tazkira-Humayun O Akber,
Bayizid Bayat stated,
At that time (1570-71) there was an idol temple, which owing
to passage of time had become deserted and become the
place of trade of the market people. I purged that place of
them and started erecting a madrasa for scholars. It was
completed around those few days that Raja (Todarmal)
came from a bath (in the river). In that temple there was a
pillar 12 gaz (32 feet) high; and there was a date in the Hindu
characters inscribed on it stating that it had been set up
90 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES
seven hundred years ago. When Bayizid took it down, he
had it cut into two parts, and the two parts again into four
portions each. Six parts of the stone were used in the pillars
and slabs of the mosque of the madrasa; and two parts were
taken by Khwaja (Dost) Muhammad, Bakhshi of the Khan
Khanan (Munim Khan) who put them on the doorway of
the mosque at Jaunpur (Prasad 1990: 150).
The Lal Darwaza mosque had been built in 1447 by Bibi
Rajyi, queen of Sultan Mahmud Sharqi (Cunningham 1880: 116).
The presence of the Padmesvara inscription at Jaunpur
corroborated that stones of Varanasi temples demolished by
Feroz Tughlaq, were hauled to Jaunpur for construction of
mosques.
MANIKARNIKESVARA TEMPLE
The Manikarnika Ghat Stone Inscription, dated 1359 Samvat
(1303 CE), recorded the accomplishments of two brothers, both
potentates. It stated that Viresvara, like his elder brother, "has
conquered (all the kings) through his arms." He "has installed
the temples of Manikarnikesvara (Shiva) through his own
efforts ... may good be to all..." (Prasad 1990: 154).
TEMPLES DESTROYED AGAIN, REBUILT
Alauddin Khalji (r. 1296-1316) did not attack Kashi at the
beginning of his reign. However, subsequently numerous
temples were destroyed, and mosques raised on their sites,
among them the Arhai-Kangara mosque, the Chaukhambha
mosque, the mosque at Golaghat, and several in the Alaipura
ward. After Alauddin's death, temples demolished on his
orders were rebuilt, some at new locations. Bakaria Kund was
also re-constructed at that time (Sukul 1974: 154-155).
SHARQI RULE AND ATALA MASJID IN JAUNPUR
Jaichand (r.1175-1193), the last Gahadavala ruler, had
constructed the Atala Devi temple in Jaunpur, which was
KASHI AND AYODHYA 91
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converted to the Atala masjid by the Sharqi Sultans (Pl. 19).
Nine inscriptions found in the masjid confirmed that Firoz
Shah Tughlaq commenced appropriation of the temple in 1376
CE to make the mosque. It was completed by Ibrahim Shah
Sharqi (r. 1402-1440) in 1408 CE (Fuhrer 1970: 180-181).
Ibrahim Shah constructed several masjids on the sites of
temples built by Vijayachandra Gahadavala (r. 1155-1169).
Masjid Khalis Mukhlis (also known as Dariba or Charanguli)
was built on the location of Vijayachandra's temple around
1417 CE. Rows of Hindu pillars were used for its construction.
Jhanjhari Masjid was also erected on the site of a famous temple
(Fuhrer 1970: 181).
SIKANDAR LODI ANOTHER ICONOCLASTIC UPSURGE
When Sharqi rule ended, temples again began to be constructed
at Varanasi but not in their former grandeur, for fear of
another wave of iconoclasm. In 1496, soon after ascending the
throne at Delhi, Sikandar Lodi (r. 1489-1517) ordered
demolition of all temples at Varanasi. For the next eighty years,
no temples were built in the city (Lannoy 1999: 569). People
contented themselves with paying homage to temple ruins.
The sixteenth century scholar and religious leader, Narayana
Bhatta who found the Vishwanath temple in ruins, in his
Tristhalisetu, consoled devotees,
Even if the linga of Vishveshvara here is taken off somewhere
and another is brought in and established by human hands,
on account of the difficulty of the times, whatever is
established in that place should be worshipped And if,
owing to the power of foreign rulers, there is no linga at all
in that place, even so, the dharma of the place itself should
be observed, with rites of circumambulation, salutation, etc.,
and in this way the daily pilgrimage (nityayatra) shall be
performed (Eck 2015: 134).2
92 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES
AURANGZEB THE ICONOCLAST
The last round of desecration was at the command of
Aurangzeb. The net result of the sacrilege that commenced
with Nialtagin was that Banaras of the Puranic mahatmyas was
completely obliterated (Eck 2015: 84). The Krittivasesvara,
Omkara, Mahadeva, Madhyameshvara, Visveshvara, Bindu
Madhava, Kaal Bhairava, and countless other temples were
all razed to the ground. In many cases, mosques were built
with "calculated insolence" in their place, and the sites forever
closed to Hindus (Lannoy 1999: 569). Rev. Sherring (who
stayed in Banaras from 1852 till his death in 1880) remarked,
"It is worthy of notice, as illustrating the nature of
Mohammedan rule in India, that nearly all the buildings in
Benaras, of acknowledged antiquity, have been appropriated
by the Musulmans; being used as mosques, mausoleums,
dargahs and so forth..." (Sherring 1868: 22-23).
KRITTIVASESVARA REBUILT FOUR TIMES
In 1659, just a year after ascending the throne, Aurangzeb
ordered the demolition of the famous Shiva temple of
Krittivasesvara situated in Daranagar, the heart of the city.
The Alamgiri mosque was constructed in its place. A small
empty tank that marked the site of the first, second, and third
reconstructions remained under worship on Maha Shivaratri
day. The offerings were taken by the Mutawalli of the mosque.
A short distance away, a small temple was built in the
nineteenth century by Raja Patnimal of Banaras, and the deity
re-consecrated (Sukul 1974: 185).
VISHWANATH RISES AGAIN AND AGAIN
The great Vishwanath temple was destroyed at least thrice
from the twelfth century onwards. It was first attacked by
Aibak in 1194 CE. Queen Raziya (r. 1236-1240), during her short
chaotic reign, appropriated the site and had a mosque
constructed there. The further history of Visveshvara has been
KASHI AND AYODHYA 93
--- PAGE 65 ---
described as "one of stubbornness and bigotry" (Bakker 1996:
42). The temple became a prime symbol of Hindu resistance;
they repeatedly rebuilt, as Muslims continually destroyed.
In the Kashi Khand, probably compiled in the fourteenth
century from earlier texts and traditions, Shiva spoken of his
return to the city after a long exile, and celebrated the
Visveshvara linga as the linga of lingas.
A Vishwanath temple was constructed adjacent to Bibi
Raziya Mosque in the first half of the eighteenth century,
probably by one of the Peshwas (Michell 2005: 81), or, as others
have suggested, by Sawai Jai Singh of Amber (Pl. 20). It was
named Adi Visveshvara; Adi denoting it was the site of the
original temple. Tradition holds that the argha, the ovoid seat
on which the lingam rested, was from the Visveshvara temple,
which the Rajput ruler obtained as a favour from the Mughal
ruler (Sukul 1974: 177). From its exterior, the temple resembled
a Muslim tomb, perhaps a cautious move by its patron. The
construction "certainly suggests that a prior location for the
Vishweshwur linga may have existed in collective memory at
least at the turn of the eighteenth century when this building
was constructed" (Desai 2017: 25).
As Raziya Mosque had occupied the place of the temple,
the Visveshvara linga was accommodated in the
Avimuktesvara complex, located at the foot of the mound on
which the Visveshvara temple had stood. Avimuktesvara was
shifted a little northwards and space for Visveshvara created
between the former's temple and Gyanvapi. An imposing
structure was erected there. However, another iconoclastic
wave hit Varanasi, and temples were again demolished (Sukul
1974: 179-180).
DESTRUCTION AND RECONSTRUCTION
As the Avimuktesvara temple was also destroyed³ and the
site of Visveshvara occupied by Raziya's mosque, Hindus
decided to construct a new sanctuary at the site of
94 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES
Avimuktesvara, referring to it as Visveshvara. Avimuktesvara
and Visveshvara began to be thought of as one. Avimuktesvara
lost its identity and became another name for Visveshvara,
who became the holiest of holy. Even religious authorities
began to believe that Visveshvara and Avimuktesvara were
two names of the same lingam (Sukul 1974: 179-180).
Mittra Misra of Orchha, in his book Viramittrodaya – Tirtha
Prakash Khand (1620), showed that according to the Kashi Khand
itself the two great lingas were not the same, and Visveshvara
worshiped Avimuktesvara. Their separate existence was
recognized once again, and a small temple built for
Avimuktesvara near the northeastern corner of the
Visveshvara temple. Due to continued upheavals, the only trace
of Avimuktesvara that survived was an old stone fragment
hidden amidst three Muslim graves north of the Gyanvapi
mosque. It was sprinkled with flowers once a year on
Shivaratri. More recently, a linga of Avimuktesvara was
established in the southeast corner of the present Vishwanath
temple (Eck 2015: 130-131).
Narayana Bhatta was involved in the reconstruction of
the Vishwanath temple in 1585, about a hundred metres to
the south, along with Todar Mal's son, then a Mughal official
in the Jaunpur region (Altekar 1937: 45-46). Bir Singh Bundela
has also been mentioned in connection with the Visvanatha
temple. That could have been a restoration (or completion) of
the work started by Narayana Bhatta in association with Todar
Mal's son (O'Hanlon 2011: 264-265). Narayana Bhatta also
devised a special procedure (prayoga) for renovating the
Shivalinga in the new temple (Bendrey 1960: 23). The temple
adhered to the earlier cruciform layout described in the Kashi
Khand (Prinsep 1831: 68; Michell 2005: 80-81).
Narayana Bhatta's Tristhalisetu was likely composed after
the temple had been rebuilt, as it indicated that pilgrims would
see a new linga,
KASHI AND AYODHYA 95
--- PAGE 66 ---
though here the linga of Visvesvara is removed and another
is brought in its place by human beings, owing to the times,
the pilgrims must worship whatever linga is in this place
(O'Hanlon 2011: 196-197).
Tavernier, who saw the temple, stated,
... the pagoda of Benares, which, after that of Jagannath, is
the most famous in all India, with which it is even, as it
were, on a par, being also built on the margin of the Ganges,
and in the town of which it bears the name (Tavernier Vol. II
1889: 230).
Barely a century later, that temple was destroyed by
Aurangzeb's troops after a pitched battle with ascetics of the
Dashanami order at Gyanvapi (Sarkar1958: 67).4 Hindu
tradition holds that several ascetic sects were militarized and
organized into akharas (martial arts/wrestling schools) to
protect Hinduism from iconoclastic fervour (Farquhar 1925:
413-452; Orr 2003: 187-193).
A portion of the temple was intentionally retained as the
rear wall of the mosque (Pl. 21). Ironically, the mosque was
known as Gyanvapi mosque, deriving its name from the sacred
location on which it stood (Pls. 22, 23).
Art historian, Catherine Asher advanced an intriguing
interpretation of Aurangzeb's destruction of the Vishwanath
and Keshavadeva temples. She argued that Mughal amirs had
built grand temples, but had broken the allegiance system
that bound them to the Emperor. Aurangzeb responded to
that "violation by destroying property maintained
previously with Mughal support." According to her,
Aurangzeb in a sense "destroyed state-endowed property,
not private works" (Asher 1992: 254). The scholar failed to
explain the earlier destruction of these temples by Muslim
invaders and rulers; and their reconstruction by non-Mughal
employees - Narayana Bhatta and Ahilya Bai.
After the demolition of the temple, the Visveshvara linga
96 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES
was re-installed in an inconspicuous corner south of the
Gyanvapi well. No temple was built over it, and Hindus
secretly worshipped there, without knowledge of Mughal
authorities. According to some accounts, Maharaja Bhava
Singh of Rewa in 1672, Maharaja Jagat Singh of Udaipur in
1677, and Maharaja Aniruddha Singh of Rewa in 1695, came
to venerate the deity. In 1734, Maharaja Jawan Singh of
Udaipur consecrated a Shiva linga near Visveshvara, which
survived under the name Jawanesvara. In 1749, Maharana
Sangram Singh of Udaipur offered his veneration, followed
in 1765, by Maharaja Asi Singh (vide dairies of the tirtha
purohits).
In 1777 CE, Ahilya Bai Holkar of Indore built the present
Vishwanath temple (the so-called Golden temple) over that
linga. Her royal inscription made no mention of establishing a
different linga. That explained why the Visveshvara linga was
in a corner of the sanctum sanctorum, and not in the centre as
was the practice (Sukul 1974: 181-182).
Located a few metres south of Aurangzeb's Gyanvapi
mosque, Ahilya Bai's temple lacked the grandeur of India's
great temples. It was situated in a crowded part of city, its
architectural features hidden from proper view behind the
compound wall. Nonetheless, the temple typified the revivalist
style of north Indian architecture in the eighteenth century,
with its combination of a spired sanctuary and a domed
mandapa.
The prestige of Ahilya Bai's temple prompted Governor
General, Warren Hastings in 1781, to instruct Ali Ibrahim Khan,
magistrate of Banaras, to erect an ornate gateway to the temple
(naubatkhana, or drum house). The pavilion protecting the
sacred Gyanvapi, or Well of Wisdom, north of the temple
was added by Rani Baija Bai, widow of Daulat Rao Sindhia in
the early nineteenth century. The well was believed to have
been dug by Shiva himself; its waters were a liquid form of
jnana, enlightening wisdom. In 1839, on orders of Maharaja
KASHI AND AYODHYA 97
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